Analysis
By Amando DoronilaPhilippine Daily Inquirer
In the first blush of victory, US President-elect Barack Obama accepted congratulations from nine presidents and prime ministers and returned their calls. President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, one of the numerous early callers, was not one of the chosen few.
The favored world leaders were Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper, French President Nicolas Sarkozy, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, Japanese Prime Minister Taro Aso, Mexican President Felipe Calderon, South Korean President Lee Myung-bak and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown.
All are leaders of democracies known as important allies of the United States. Two are Asians—Aso and Lee; one is leader of the centerpiece of US policy in the Middle East, Olmert of Israel; Calderon heads Mexico, the most strategic US neighbor in Latin America; and the rest are leaders of Europe’s most important democracies.
Their talks ranged over a number of issues indicating the priorities of Obama as he moved swiftly to revamp the focus of US foreign policy, including the global financial crisis, the Afghanistan war, and the North Korean and Iranian nuclear crisis.
Sarkozy’s office said he and Obama spoke for 30 minutes, characterized as “extremely warm,” as they discussed the financial crisis and agreed to meet in the “quite near future.” It said they spoke about an international financial summit in Washington.
A second round of calls to world leaders quickly followed on Saturday when Obama spoke with Chinese President Hu Jintao, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, Polish President Lech Kaczynski and Spanish Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero.
After this second round, Ms Arroyo was pushed back on the queue of the waiting list. Malacañang has been waiting in vain for a return call. None, at the time of this writing, had been received.
Not on radar screen
These telephone chats over the past few days gave a first glimpse into the “world view” of the incoming administration—the countries that mattered to it, the countries Obama have downgraded and the issues that concern it most as he redefines US foreign policy in the post-Bush era.
From the looks of it, the Philippines is not on the Obama radar screen, no matter how our humiliated leaders on the waiting list claim our strategic importance is to the United Sates in the Asia-Pacific region and our historic ties with Washington.
Obama has barely a couple of years experience as junior senator from Illinois and has only a brushing acquaintance with foreign policy. It’s very likely the Philippines struck him as just a speck on the map.
And so, if his team received an early call from Ms Arroyo congratulating him for his election, one of his ignorant staff could have asked: “Where is the Philippines?”
American presidents take seriously countries whose leaders create trouble for the United States and who assail its authority as the lone superpower after the collapse of communism in the 1990s. They scorn obsequious vassal poor countries although they may have historical special relations with the United States.
Take Sarkozy. Amid the financial crisis of Wall Street in October, Sarkozy seized the Wall Street turmoil as an opening wedge to revamp the free-enterprise US model along the lines of the state-interventionist style of France. This has been seen in Washington as a revival of neo-Gaullism in France challenging the American model of capitalism.
The Canadian prime minister’s office said Obama and Harper emphasized there could be no closer friends and allies than the United States and Canada and vowed to strengthen their relationship.
President Calderon’s office said Obama pledged continued US support for Mexico’s fight against organized crime and drug trafficking. The office of Olmert said he and Obama “discussed the need to continue and advance the peace process, while maintaining Israel’s security.” Australian Prime Minister Rudd said he and Obama talked about national security and climate change.
Constructive interaction
In his conversation with Lee, Obama said the US-South Korean alliance was a “cornerstone” of Asia’s peace and stability and promised improved relations between the two countries.
In the second round of telephone talks, Obama and Russian President Medvedev “expressed the determination to create constructive interaction for the good of global stability,” and agreed their countries had common responsibility to address “serious problems of global nature.”
On Wednesday, after Obama’s election, Medvedev threatened to move short-range missiles on Russia’s borders with NATO allies, including Poland and the Czech Republic.
Obama’s talk with China’s Hu covered a range of issues, including the global financial turmoil and the sensitive issue of Taiwan. China opposes independence for Taiwan, saying that the proper handling of the issue was the key to good relations between Beijing and Washington.
‘Fairer’ Middle East policy
In his first foreign policy pronouncement as president-elect, Obama called for an international effort to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. The pronouncement came a day after Iran President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad urged Obama to implement a “fairer” policy in the Middle East.
Ahmadinejad congratulated Obama on his election—the first time an Iranian leader had offered such wishes to a US president-elect since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Obama acknowledged the letter, but said Iran’s development of nuclear weapons was “unacceptable” and Iran must end its “support of terrorist organizations.”
By contrast, the Philippines encountered a frosty reception from the incoming administration. Ms Arroyo put in a call to Obama at 2-3 a.m. to congratulate him, and Obama did not receive her call.
Instead, US Ambassador Kristie Kenney offered an explanation that failed to mask the snub. In Bacolod City, Kenney said Obama was “a fan of the Philippines,” and she expected the two countries to have “extraordinarily good relations” during the Obama presidency.
Kenney said she did not foresee any major changes in the security relations with the Philippines, where US Special Forces are training Filipino troops in fighting Moro rebels linked to Osama bin Laden’s terror network in Southeast Asia.
RP not in charmed circle
Kenney said the Philippines would continue to be a “strong ally” of the United States, and acknowledged that the Philippines increasingly had a “great regional role to play.”
She said that when Ms Arroyo put in a call to Obama, his team told her that the President’s call was one of “the first and most gracious calls,” and they were taking down names and numbers and they would “call back when they get a chance.”
They never did.
Kenney said it was not likely that Ms Arroyo would be able to meet Obama when she goes to the United States next week to attend a UN function.
“I think [an Obama-Arroyo] meeting is unlikely because the president-elect, as I understand it, is not yet meeting with foreign leaders. He is busy assembling his Cabinet,” the US ambassador said.
The sidelining of the Arroyo call gave a glimpse of the importance of the Philippines to the United States at a moment of change of administration.
It is clear that the Philippines stands on the outer perimeter of US concerns in world affairs.
The first telephone conversations reveal the Philippines is not within the charmed circles of the Obama administration. It is a leper outside looking in.
It is imperative that Manila should rearrange its priorities vis-à-vis Washington. Obama is not our friend.
This is definitely what other country leaders think of our country, its president, and our people if we do not have a strong political will and determination to become independent. We continue to kow-tow foreign "friends and allies" since we cannot stand in our own two feet! It's time to kill corruption and make our economic findamentals strong. Let's produce our own, take care of our own, and develop our industries and stop this cycle of misery and embarrassment. Nakakahiya na tayo na para bang maamong aso na sunod ng sunod sa puwet ng kanyang amo.
If our country is strong, other countries will respect us. Just take a look at China. During the 50's this country is so poor but after winning its war against the Nationalists (driven to Taiwan), it struggled on its own to survive. Theirs was a rough life for many years. Look at them now. They've just brought two people in space becoming the third nation after Russia and the US. They developed their own industries and have even catered to many multinationals even to date.
We should do the same. Now! So in 20-30 years, those new generations of Filipinos will not be kissing the asses of other nations begging for everything! Nakakahiya at nakaka-awa na tayo! Let's start killing corruption and putting corrupt officials to jail and start giving new faces to ourselves and be respected by foreign countries). GISING NA, BAYAN!
Sunday, November 9, 2008
Tuesday, October 28, 2008
728-million fertilizer scam
WHAT WENT BEFORE
728-million fertilizer scam, Philippine Daily Inquirer
MANILA, Philippines—In 2003, Marlene Esperat, then an employee of the Department of Agriculture’s resident ombudsman in Central Mindanao, filed a graft complaint against Agriculture Secretary Arthur Yap, then Undersecretary Jocelyn Bolante, and several others in connection with alleged irregularities in a P432-million fertilizer deal.
Esperat said the fertilizers bought were overpriced and procured through a negotiated contract instead of a public bidding.
Two months before the May 2004 presidential election, Sen. Panfilo Lacson, a presidential candidate, accused President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, herself running for election, of “virtual vote-buying” by authorizing the release of P728 million to favored officials to buy farm inputs like fertilizer and pesticide for their constituents, as part of the Ginintuang Masaganang Ani project.
Resignation
After the election, former Solicitor General Frank Chavez filed a plunder case against Ms Arroyo in connection with Lacson’s accusation. Chavez named Bolante as one of those who signed the papers for the release and disposition of the funds.
Bolante quit his post at the Department of Agriculture in September 2004, ostensibly because of his election as a director of Rotary Club International.
In the same month, the Ombudsman dropped Esperat’s graft charges against Yap, but declared as “sufficient in form and substance” the graft complaint against Bolante.
(Esperat, who later became a journalist, was shot dead in her home in Sultan Kudarat on March 24, 2005. Three men were convicted of her murder, but the suspected masterminds—officials of the agriculture department office in Central Mindanao already charged by the justice department—remain at large.)
In October 2005, the Senate committee on agriculture chaired by then Sen. Ramon Magsaysay Jr. opened an inquiry into the fertilizer fund controversy. Bolante did not show up during the first hearing, and flew to Los Angeles hours before the second hearing on Oct. 26.
Magsaysay sought the help of the US Embassy and Rotary Club International in locating Bolante, who was also a no-show at the Nov. 17 and 24 hearings.
Bolante reportedly returned to the Philippines on Dec. 5, but was able to leave again on Dec. 11, days after the Bureau of Immigration put him on its watch list. He left on board a Cathay Pacific flight for Hong Kong en route to the United States.
Arrest order
On Dec. 13, the Senate cited Bolante for contempt and ordered his arrest.
In January 2006, he filed a petition to the Supreme Court through the Philippine Consul in Chicago, asking that the Senate be stopped from implementing the arrest order.
He said he was willing to attend the Senate inquiry, but again snubbed the Jan. 31 and Feb. 2 hearings.
In March, the Senate’s blue ribbon and agriculture committees released a report recommending the filing of criminal and administrative charges against Bolante and other agriculture officials.
The report also said Ms Arroyo should be “held accountable” for the mismanagement of the fertilizer fund.
On July 7, 2006, Bolante was detained on arrival at the Los Angeles International Airport on grounds of an invalid non-immigrant (B1/B2) visa. (A US court document given to the Philippine Daily Inquirer in September 2006 said the US Embassy in Manila cancelled Bolante’s visa upon the Senate’s request.)
Bolante was held at the San Pedro Detention Center on Terminal Island, 48 kilometers from Los Angeles, then transferred to the Kenosha Rehabilitation Center in Wisconsin.
Court battle
On Aug. 4, the LA-based federal judge reviewing Bolante’s asylum case granted his petition to transfer the case to an immigration court in Chicago.
Bolante testified before that court on Nov. 10, saying his life would be endangered if he returned to the Philippines.
It rejected his petition in February 2007, citing lack of proof that he was “suffering from a well-grounded fear of persecution.”
Bolante took the case to the US Court of Appeals, which also denied his petition on Aug. 27 this year.
He again experienced defeat on Sept. 3, when the US District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin dismissed his petition for habeas corpus.
On Oct. 23, the US Embassy confirmed that the US Department of Homeland Security had issued a “removal order” on Bolante, and that he could be deported anytime.
Bolante’s lawyer said his client had decided to yield to the order. Inquirer Research
728-million fertilizer scam, Philippine Daily Inquirer
MANILA, Philippines—In 2003, Marlene Esperat, then an employee of the Department of Agriculture’s resident ombudsman in Central Mindanao, filed a graft complaint against Agriculture Secretary Arthur Yap, then Undersecretary Jocelyn Bolante, and several others in connection with alleged irregularities in a P432-million fertilizer deal.
Esperat said the fertilizers bought were overpriced and procured through a negotiated contract instead of a public bidding.
Two months before the May 2004 presidential election, Sen. Panfilo Lacson, a presidential candidate, accused President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, herself running for election, of “virtual vote-buying” by authorizing the release of P728 million to favored officials to buy farm inputs like fertilizer and pesticide for their constituents, as part of the Ginintuang Masaganang Ani project.
Resignation
After the election, former Solicitor General Frank Chavez filed a plunder case against Ms Arroyo in connection with Lacson’s accusation. Chavez named Bolante as one of those who signed the papers for the release and disposition of the funds.
Bolante quit his post at the Department of Agriculture in September 2004, ostensibly because of his election as a director of Rotary Club International.
In the same month, the Ombudsman dropped Esperat’s graft charges against Yap, but declared as “sufficient in form and substance” the graft complaint against Bolante.
(Esperat, who later became a journalist, was shot dead in her home in Sultan Kudarat on March 24, 2005. Three men were convicted of her murder, but the suspected masterminds—officials of the agriculture department office in Central Mindanao already charged by the justice department—remain at large.)
In October 2005, the Senate committee on agriculture chaired by then Sen. Ramon Magsaysay Jr. opened an inquiry into the fertilizer fund controversy. Bolante did not show up during the first hearing, and flew to Los Angeles hours before the second hearing on Oct. 26.
Magsaysay sought the help of the US Embassy and Rotary Club International in locating Bolante, who was also a no-show at the Nov. 17 and 24 hearings.
Bolante reportedly returned to the Philippines on Dec. 5, but was able to leave again on Dec. 11, days after the Bureau of Immigration put him on its watch list. He left on board a Cathay Pacific flight for Hong Kong en route to the United States.
Arrest order
On Dec. 13, the Senate cited Bolante for contempt and ordered his arrest.
In January 2006, he filed a petition to the Supreme Court through the Philippine Consul in Chicago, asking that the Senate be stopped from implementing the arrest order.
He said he was willing to attend the Senate inquiry, but again snubbed the Jan. 31 and Feb. 2 hearings.
In March, the Senate’s blue ribbon and agriculture committees released a report recommending the filing of criminal and administrative charges against Bolante and other agriculture officials.
The report also said Ms Arroyo should be “held accountable” for the mismanagement of the fertilizer fund.
On July 7, 2006, Bolante was detained on arrival at the Los Angeles International Airport on grounds of an invalid non-immigrant (B1/B2) visa. (A US court document given to the Philippine Daily Inquirer in September 2006 said the US Embassy in Manila cancelled Bolante’s visa upon the Senate’s request.)
Bolante was held at the San Pedro Detention Center on Terminal Island, 48 kilometers from Los Angeles, then transferred to the Kenosha Rehabilitation Center in Wisconsin.
Court battle
On Aug. 4, the LA-based federal judge reviewing Bolante’s asylum case granted his petition to transfer the case to an immigration court in Chicago.
Bolante testified before that court on Nov. 10, saying his life would be endangered if he returned to the Philippines.
It rejected his petition in February 2007, citing lack of proof that he was “suffering from a well-grounded fear of persecution.”
Bolante took the case to the US Court of Appeals, which also denied his petition on Aug. 27 this year.
He again experienced defeat on Sept. 3, when the US District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin dismissed his petition for habeas corpus.
On Oct. 23, the US Embassy confirmed that the US Department of Homeland Security had issued a “removal order” on Bolante, and that he could be deported anytime.
Bolante’s lawyer said his client had decided to yield to the order. Inquirer Research
Wednesday, October 22, 2008
Task Force 'Red plate" catches 15 gov't cars in Cenu
Mars Mosqueda, Manila Bulletin
CEBU CITY – Barely a week after the launching of Oplan Red Plate, authorities here have reported catching 15 government vehicles parked near malls and restaurants and believed to have been used for non-official purposes.
Oplan Red Plate, a campaign against the illegal use of government vehicles, was launched a few days after this was launched in Cebu by five agencies – the Office of the Ombudsman, the Land Transportation Office (LTO), the Civil Service Commission (CSC), the Commission on Audit (CoA) and the PNP.
Deputy Ombudsman for the Visayas Pelagio Apostol said he has already ordered the investigation team to visit the agencies to which the vehicles are issued to get supporting documents and determine if the cars were used for official purpose.
"We are sending the team to the agencies involved to hasten our investigation," said Apostol, adding that the team will also check the trip tickets of the apprehended vehicles.
Apostol said the official who will be proven to have used any government vehicle on a non-official trip could face at least six months suspension or dismissal from service depending on the gravity of the violation.
"We are urging the public to help us in this drive to make the campaign more effective," said Apostol.
The Task Force Red Plate has already distributed its hotline numbers to security guards in all the malls, restaurants, and public establishments around Cebu for them to immediately report presence of red-plated vehicles.
Oplan Red Plate is in line with Administrative Order No. 239 of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo prohibiting the use of government-issued vehicles for private purposes.
Administrative Order No. 239 signed by Pres. Arroyo last September 15 is aimed at preventing the use of government vehicles from abuse and its purpose solely for official business.
CEBU CITY – Barely a week after the launching of Oplan Red Plate, authorities here have reported catching 15 government vehicles parked near malls and restaurants and believed to have been used for non-official purposes.
Oplan Red Plate, a campaign against the illegal use of government vehicles, was launched a few days after this was launched in Cebu by five agencies – the Office of the Ombudsman, the Land Transportation Office (LTO), the Civil Service Commission (CSC), the Commission on Audit (CoA) and the PNP.
Deputy Ombudsman for the Visayas Pelagio Apostol said he has already ordered the investigation team to visit the agencies to which the vehicles are issued to get supporting documents and determine if the cars were used for official purpose.
"We are sending the team to the agencies involved to hasten our investigation," said Apostol, adding that the team will also check the trip tickets of the apprehended vehicles.
Apostol said the official who will be proven to have used any government vehicle on a non-official trip could face at least six months suspension or dismissal from service depending on the gravity of the violation.
"We are urging the public to help us in this drive to make the campaign more effective," said Apostol.
The Task Force Red Plate has already distributed its hotline numbers to security guards in all the malls, restaurants, and public establishments around Cebu for them to immediately report presence of red-plated vehicles.
Oplan Red Plate is in line with Administrative Order No. 239 of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo prohibiting the use of government-issued vehicles for private purposes.
Administrative Order No. 239 signed by Pres. Arroyo last September 15 is aimed at preventing the use of government vehicles from abuse and its purpose solely for official business.
Tuesday, October 21, 2008
Uncontrolled corruption
DPI, Editorial
It is not just a perception, it is the reality: The Philippines is one of the world’s most corrupt nations.
That is according to Justin Wood, director of the Southeast Asia Corporate Network of The Economist Intelligence Unit. “The Philippines is perceived as one of the most corrupt countries in the world,” Wood told the Business Roundtable in Makati City earlier this month, citing the results of the latest survey on corruption done by Transparency International. “The perception is very correct.”
In Transparency International’s latest Corruption Perception Index, the Philippines was way down at 141 among the 180 countries surveyed. Its score of 2.3 (on a scale where 10 means perfectly clean), the lowest it has received since the survey was started in 1995, put the Philippines behind all of its neighbors in Southeast Asia.
Not surprisingly, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo disagrees. She told the same meeting that the perception of widespread corruption was the media’s creation. The people surveyed by Transparency International based their answers on what they read in the newspapers, she said, adding: “We have to remember that we have the freest media in the region... What would be on page 10 in some other countries would be banner headline in the Philippines. Even rumors and innuendos become fact when they are in the banner headline.”
But is corruption in the Philippines largely a figment of the imagination, as the President would like everyone to believe? Ms Arroyo herself seemed to implicitly acknowledge that there is (or was) a problem when she accepted a $21-million grant from the World Bank to fund programs to fight corruption. The Philippines Threshold Program, which was approved in 2006, was meant to strengthen the anti-corruption efforts of the Office of the Ombudsman and Department of Finance. Not only did the government accept the grant, it even matched the amount it got from the World Bank.
But with the program coming to an end in November, the World Bank has been forced to admit that it has been a dismal failure. In fact, during the two years the program has been running, “control of corruption” by the Philippine government was actually deteriorating. Thus, while the Philippines had a “control of corruption” score that was in the 76th percentile in 2006, this went down to the 57th percentile in 2007 and further down to the 47th percentile this year.
This was the first time the Philippines flunked the “control of corruption” indicator, prompting the World Bank to question the effectiveness of its threshold programs in combating corruption. In addition, this poor performance has virtually disqualified the country from availing itself of further grants from the Millennium Challenge Corp. “Control of corruption” is the only “hard hurdle” a country must pass to be eligible for funding assistance from the Millennium Challenge.
It is surely not just a coincidence that these independent findings about worsening corruption came at time when new and bigger corruption scandals, involving the country’s highest officials, erupted.
There was the NorthRail project and the National Broadband Network contract, to mention just two of them. These were not issues manufactured by the media. And if they became banner stories, it was not because the media wanted to sensationalize them. They were scandals of mind-boggling proportions, dwarfing other news in importance and impact.
But who cares if programs to combat corruption fail? The crooks in government are happiest to see anti-corruption drives falter, because they can continue their corrupt ways without fear of being caught and punished. And there are many of them in high and low places.
People who keep hoping for clean and honest government that uses taxpayers’ money wisely and well will have to wait for another administration. The President thinks corruption is not a problem or at least not the serious problem businessmen and other observers take it to be. Nothing, not even neutral surveys and studies, will change her mind. It would be pointless and futile to look up to her for a solution.
It is not just a perception, it is the reality: The Philippines is one of the world’s most corrupt nations.
That is according to Justin Wood, director of the Southeast Asia Corporate Network of The Economist Intelligence Unit. “The Philippines is perceived as one of the most corrupt countries in the world,” Wood told the Business Roundtable in Makati City earlier this month, citing the results of the latest survey on corruption done by Transparency International. “The perception is very correct.”
In Transparency International’s latest Corruption Perception Index, the Philippines was way down at 141 among the 180 countries surveyed. Its score of 2.3 (on a scale where 10 means perfectly clean), the lowest it has received since the survey was started in 1995, put the Philippines behind all of its neighbors in Southeast Asia.
Not surprisingly, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo disagrees. She told the same meeting that the perception of widespread corruption was the media’s creation. The people surveyed by Transparency International based their answers on what they read in the newspapers, she said, adding: “We have to remember that we have the freest media in the region... What would be on page 10 in some other countries would be banner headline in the Philippines. Even rumors and innuendos become fact when they are in the banner headline.”
But is corruption in the Philippines largely a figment of the imagination, as the President would like everyone to believe? Ms Arroyo herself seemed to implicitly acknowledge that there is (or was) a problem when she accepted a $21-million grant from the World Bank to fund programs to fight corruption. The Philippines Threshold Program, which was approved in 2006, was meant to strengthen the anti-corruption efforts of the Office of the Ombudsman and Department of Finance. Not only did the government accept the grant, it even matched the amount it got from the World Bank.
But with the program coming to an end in November, the World Bank has been forced to admit that it has been a dismal failure. In fact, during the two years the program has been running, “control of corruption” by the Philippine government was actually deteriorating. Thus, while the Philippines had a “control of corruption” score that was in the 76th percentile in 2006, this went down to the 57th percentile in 2007 and further down to the 47th percentile this year.
This was the first time the Philippines flunked the “control of corruption” indicator, prompting the World Bank to question the effectiveness of its threshold programs in combating corruption. In addition, this poor performance has virtually disqualified the country from availing itself of further grants from the Millennium Challenge Corp. “Control of corruption” is the only “hard hurdle” a country must pass to be eligible for funding assistance from the Millennium Challenge.
It is surely not just a coincidence that these independent findings about worsening corruption came at time when new and bigger corruption scandals, involving the country’s highest officials, erupted.
There was the NorthRail project and the National Broadband Network contract, to mention just two of them. These were not issues manufactured by the media. And if they became banner stories, it was not because the media wanted to sensationalize them. They were scandals of mind-boggling proportions, dwarfing other news in importance and impact.
But who cares if programs to combat corruption fail? The crooks in government are happiest to see anti-corruption drives falter, because they can continue their corrupt ways without fear of being caught and punished. And there are many of them in high and low places.
People who keep hoping for clean and honest government that uses taxpayers’ money wisely and well will have to wait for another administration. The President thinks corruption is not a problem or at least not the serious problem businessmen and other observers take it to be. Nothing, not even neutral surveys and studies, will change her mind. It would be pointless and futile to look up to her for a solution.
Monday, October 13, 2008
DoH's 'skewed' priority hit
By Lira Dalangin-FernandezINQUIRER
MANILA, Philippines --As the House of Representatives deliberates on the proposed budget of the Department of Health (DoH) this Friday, a militant lawmaker criticized its "skewed" priority, which he said prioritized foreign patients.
Deputy Minority Floor Leader and Bayan Muna partylist Representative Satur Ocampo said the DoH budget showed a "skewed investment in government-sponsored medical tourism that targets foreign patients instead of millions of Filipinos who do not have access to quality government health care."
"The DoH should explain government's health priorities. They should tell Congress why healthcare is apparently being transformed by government into a money-making venture targeting foreign medical tourists over ordinary Filipinos in dire need of health care," Ocampo said in a statement.
The DoH has a proposed P27.803 billion allocation for 2009.
Citing a study of the Health Alliance for Democracy (HEAD), Ocampo lamented that "past and current national health budgets under the Health Facilities Enhancement Program have not changed the general state of disrepair and lack of adequate facilities in public hospitals and government-run health facilities."
The program got P1.66 billion in 2008 – a whopping 822% increase from its 2007 P180 million allotment.
For 2009, the program will be getting P2.03 billion or a 22.29% increase, the lawmaker said.
"This Health Facilities Enhancement Program only aims to refurbish certain specialty hospitals for the government's medical tourism agenda. It has the highest appropriation compared to the potable water program (P1.5 billion) and the Tuberculosis Control Program (P1.3 billion) that will go directly to indigent Filipino patients," he added.
The HEAD study also noted that the 2009 national budget would only give substantial increases to specialty hospitals like the Lung Center of the Philippines (an additional P157.6 million), National Kidney and Transplant Institute (P185 million), Philippine Children's Medical Center (P236 million), and Philippine Heart Center (P185 million).
Ocampo said the DoH flagship hospital, the Jose Reyes Memorial Medical Center in Manila, is only getting P359 million in the 2009 budget. It is much worse for other public hospitals under the DoH, he added.
"Our government doctors and health professionals in HEAD aver that these are the same hospitals earmarked for integration as the 'Philippine Center for Specialized Healthcare' in line with the medical tourism program. If the Arroyo administration allocates hefty amounts to specialty hospitals, I do not see any reason why it should not give equal or greater budgets for government medical centers that cater to the general public and indigent Filipino patients," Ocampo said.
MANILA, Philippines --As the House of Representatives deliberates on the proposed budget of the Department of Health (DoH) this Friday, a militant lawmaker criticized its "skewed" priority, which he said prioritized foreign patients.
Deputy Minority Floor Leader and Bayan Muna partylist Representative Satur Ocampo said the DoH budget showed a "skewed investment in government-sponsored medical tourism that targets foreign patients instead of millions of Filipinos who do not have access to quality government health care."
"The DoH should explain government's health priorities. They should tell Congress why healthcare is apparently being transformed by government into a money-making venture targeting foreign medical tourists over ordinary Filipinos in dire need of health care," Ocampo said in a statement.
The DoH has a proposed P27.803 billion allocation for 2009.
Citing a study of the Health Alliance for Democracy (HEAD), Ocampo lamented that "past and current national health budgets under the Health Facilities Enhancement Program have not changed the general state of disrepair and lack of adequate facilities in public hospitals and government-run health facilities."
The program got P1.66 billion in 2008 – a whopping 822% increase from its 2007 P180 million allotment.
For 2009, the program will be getting P2.03 billion or a 22.29% increase, the lawmaker said.
"This Health Facilities Enhancement Program only aims to refurbish certain specialty hospitals for the government's medical tourism agenda. It has the highest appropriation compared to the potable water program (P1.5 billion) and the Tuberculosis Control Program (P1.3 billion) that will go directly to indigent Filipino patients," he added.
The HEAD study also noted that the 2009 national budget would only give substantial increases to specialty hospitals like the Lung Center of the Philippines (an additional P157.6 million), National Kidney and Transplant Institute (P185 million), Philippine Children's Medical Center (P236 million), and Philippine Heart Center (P185 million).
Ocampo said the DoH flagship hospital, the Jose Reyes Memorial Medical Center in Manila, is only getting P359 million in the 2009 budget. It is much worse for other public hospitals under the DoH, he added.
"Our government doctors and health professionals in HEAD aver that these are the same hospitals earmarked for integration as the 'Philippine Center for Specialized Healthcare' in line with the medical tourism program. If the Arroyo administration allocates hefty amounts to specialty hospitals, I do not see any reason why it should not give equal or greater budgets for government medical centers that cater to the general public and indigent Filipino patients," Ocampo said.
Too much pork in the budget
From Cebu Daily News
The problem isn’t that the Constitution doesn’t need amending, because it does; rather, it is that the amendments of interest to those in a position to do something about it, immediately, aren’t of particular interest to the broader electorate. We view any officially-proposed effort to amend the Constitution with mistrust.
Nothing our officials do reduces this mistrust. House Speaker Prospero Nograles, for example, has tried to reassure the public by saying that while he’s convinced efforts to amend the Constitution will take place before the incumbent President’s term ends, Congress will tackle other pending legislative work first. First and foremost being the deliberations on the National Budget for 2009.
Former budget secretary Benjamin Diokno said that this year’s budget is actually more pork barrel-oriented than the 2007 budget. Now budgets for election years have traditionally been stuffed with all sorts of goodies for our elected officials. It’s how presidents and Congress provide funding for the sudden frenzy of public works and other activities to court the electorate’s support.
But why should the 2008 budget actually exceed the 2007 budget in terms of these political goodies? Normally, to prevent massive inflation and restore some fiscal order to the sorely-strained finances of the government, post-election budgets are leaner and less pork-filled. The reason for this, Diokno said, is that we have to realize the useful life of a budgetary item is not one, but two years. This means that if you stuff the 2008 budget now, it not only helps you in 2009, but all the way to the eve of the 2010 elections.
In other words, the 2007 election-oriented budget, bloated as it was, was bloated further because if you think the political funding required for a congressional election last year was big, you ain’t seen nothin’ yet: 2010 will either be a presidential election year, or the year the administration makes a last-ditch effort to campaign for, and win, a plebiscite changing the rules of the game.
So when the Speaker says don’t worry, while we fully intend to amend the Constitution, we will attend to our work first, we have to bear in mind that the two are connected and that the success of the latter depends on the passage of the former. The present budget is a campaign budget, not only providing for our government’s expenses for this year, but sinking funds into the administration campaign kitty for 2010.
Our leaders, ideally, should be stepping in to help form a national consensus so that we can find reforms on which we can agree. Instead, the proposals being floated officially simply aim to limit the electorate’s already limited ability to have a say in what officialdom does. We are increasingly at the mercy of all the sectors that view elections as a means of making a killing every three years, instead of selecting people who can be trusted with the stewardship of public office and public funds. — Manuel Quezon III, Inquirer
The problem isn’t that the Constitution doesn’t need amending, because it does; rather, it is that the amendments of interest to those in a position to do something about it, immediately, aren’t of particular interest to the broader electorate. We view any officially-proposed effort to amend the Constitution with mistrust.
Nothing our officials do reduces this mistrust. House Speaker Prospero Nograles, for example, has tried to reassure the public by saying that while he’s convinced efforts to amend the Constitution will take place before the incumbent President’s term ends, Congress will tackle other pending legislative work first. First and foremost being the deliberations on the National Budget for 2009.
Former budget secretary Benjamin Diokno said that this year’s budget is actually more pork barrel-oriented than the 2007 budget. Now budgets for election years have traditionally been stuffed with all sorts of goodies for our elected officials. It’s how presidents and Congress provide funding for the sudden frenzy of public works and other activities to court the electorate’s support.
But why should the 2008 budget actually exceed the 2007 budget in terms of these political goodies? Normally, to prevent massive inflation and restore some fiscal order to the sorely-strained finances of the government, post-election budgets are leaner and less pork-filled. The reason for this, Diokno said, is that we have to realize the useful life of a budgetary item is not one, but two years. This means that if you stuff the 2008 budget now, it not only helps you in 2009, but all the way to the eve of the 2010 elections.
In other words, the 2007 election-oriented budget, bloated as it was, was bloated further because if you think the political funding required for a congressional election last year was big, you ain’t seen nothin’ yet: 2010 will either be a presidential election year, or the year the administration makes a last-ditch effort to campaign for, and win, a plebiscite changing the rules of the game.
So when the Speaker says don’t worry, while we fully intend to amend the Constitution, we will attend to our work first, we have to bear in mind that the two are connected and that the success of the latter depends on the passage of the former. The present budget is a campaign budget, not only providing for our government’s expenses for this year, but sinking funds into the administration campaign kitty for 2010.
Our leaders, ideally, should be stepping in to help form a national consensus so that we can find reforms on which we can agree. Instead, the proposals being floated officially simply aim to limit the electorate’s already limited ability to have a say in what officialdom does. We are increasingly at the mercy of all the sectors that view elections as a means of making a killing every three years, instead of selecting people who can be trusted with the stewardship of public office and public funds. — Manuel Quezon III, Inquirer
Sunday, October 12, 2008
Teenager bodyguards
Mindanao politicians use teenagers as bodyguards
By James Mananghaya, Philstar
Children between the ages of 12 and 14 act as armed bodyguards for politicians in Mindanao, a Muslim youth leader revealed yesterday.
“I went around one of the provinces in central Mindanao recently to look for a mosque to pray, and then I saw these armed children, mostly 12 to 14 years old, who are working for a local government official as bodyguards,” Revi Sani, a member of the Philippine karate team and a multi-awarded Muslim youth leader from Marawi City, told The STAR.
“Instead of being given proper education, these kids are being exposed to danger. Instead of holding pens and books, they are holding high-powered pistols and rifles. How can they match the police or the soldiers who are trained in combat? They should be saved otherwise they would die early.”
Sani, son of Sultan Punduma Sani, one of the founders of the Moro National Liberation Front in the 1970’s, said these children are being lured to work as bodyguards for politicians because of the lack of alternative channels where they could use their youthful energy.
“As young boys, we are naturally adventurous,” he said. “We only have to give them the right alternative such as sports.”
Sani, who was a recipient of the Outstanding Young Muslim Award from the United Nations Children’s Fund and the Center for Moderate Muslims in 2004 and 2005, said if these children are not given proper education, they would never realize that they have great potentials.
“They would be like eagle eggs that landed on the chicken’s nest,” he said.
“When they were hatched, they grew up as chickens. They never found out that they are eagles that can soar to great heights.”
Sani said part of the glorious tradition of Muslims in Mindanao is being a warrior, having fought the Spaniards.
“As a young boy, my father would tell me not to forget that I am a warrior,” he said.
“But he never encouraged me to be a warrior who uses violence,” he said of his father, who is now a professor at the Mindanao State University in Marawi City and a consultant at the Philippine Sports Commission.
He recalled a karate competition abroad when his first opponent was a Spaniard.
“I told myself that karate is the best way that I should fight him,” he said. “It was then that I realized that my own jihad can come in this form.” He said that as a sportsman who also advocates peace, he dreams of a day when there would be no more fighting in Mindanao.
“Why don’t they just compete in sports?” he said.
“Maybe they can think of having a sports fest between the armed forces and the MILF. That could put an end to fighting in Mindanao if they would not have to use their guns anymore.”
Troops ready for action
Armed Forces chief Gen. Alexander Yano ordered troops in parts of Mindanao to prepare for any attack from rogue bands of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, Lt. Col. Ernesto Torres, Armed Forces public affairs chief, said Yano gave this directive during a visit to troops in Sirawai, Zamboanga and Cagayan de Oro City the other day and yesterday.
“Troops there were given an instruction that while seemingly, there is a lull in combat operations in their area of operation, they have to be prepared just in case there would be an escalation of atrocities from nearby provinces,” he said.
Eight soldiers, including an officer, have been reported wounded when an improvised explosive went off following a clash with MILF rebels in Barangay Tukanalipao, in Mamasapano town, Maguindanao yesterday.
Maj. Armand Rico, Armed Forces Eastern Mindanao Command spokesman, identified the wounded soldiers as Lt. Edever Pulido, S/Sgt. Joseph Simangan, Sgt. Renato Roble; Corporals Ruben Nicolas; Roberto Anap, Jesus Alcoba; and Privates First Class Gilbert Garciano and Erwin Palencia.
“The wounded were evacuated to Tamundong Hospital and Isulan Hospital,” he said.
“They are all in stable condition.”
An MILF rebel was also reported killed and an undetermined number wounded in the fighting, he added. Rico said the soldiers, backed by two armored vehicles, fought for 15-minutes with about 60 rebels.
Meantime, Sen. Manuel Roxas II told the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) not to revive the agreement on ancestral domain since it was already a dead issue that “needs to rest in peace.”
Speaking to reporters in Zamboanga City yesterday, Roxas said the government has already junked the signing of the agreement for the creation of the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity.
“Patay na ang MOA-AD, ilibing na natin ito at lagyan ng bato (The MOA-AD is dead, let’s bury it and put a gravestone). It’s a dead issue,” he said. – With Roel Pareño
By James Mananghaya, Philstar
Children between the ages of 12 and 14 act as armed bodyguards for politicians in Mindanao, a Muslim youth leader revealed yesterday.
“I went around one of the provinces in central Mindanao recently to look for a mosque to pray, and then I saw these armed children, mostly 12 to 14 years old, who are working for a local government official as bodyguards,” Revi Sani, a member of the Philippine karate team and a multi-awarded Muslim youth leader from Marawi City, told The STAR.
“Instead of being given proper education, these kids are being exposed to danger. Instead of holding pens and books, they are holding high-powered pistols and rifles. How can they match the police or the soldiers who are trained in combat? They should be saved otherwise they would die early.”
Sani, son of Sultan Punduma Sani, one of the founders of the Moro National Liberation Front in the 1970’s, said these children are being lured to work as bodyguards for politicians because of the lack of alternative channels where they could use their youthful energy.
“As young boys, we are naturally adventurous,” he said. “We only have to give them the right alternative such as sports.”
Sani, who was a recipient of the Outstanding Young Muslim Award from the United Nations Children’s Fund and the Center for Moderate Muslims in 2004 and 2005, said if these children are not given proper education, they would never realize that they have great potentials.
“They would be like eagle eggs that landed on the chicken’s nest,” he said.
“When they were hatched, they grew up as chickens. They never found out that they are eagles that can soar to great heights.”
Sani said part of the glorious tradition of Muslims in Mindanao is being a warrior, having fought the Spaniards.
“As a young boy, my father would tell me not to forget that I am a warrior,” he said.
“But he never encouraged me to be a warrior who uses violence,” he said of his father, who is now a professor at the Mindanao State University in Marawi City and a consultant at the Philippine Sports Commission.
He recalled a karate competition abroad when his first opponent was a Spaniard.
“I told myself that karate is the best way that I should fight him,” he said. “It was then that I realized that my own jihad can come in this form.” He said that as a sportsman who also advocates peace, he dreams of a day when there would be no more fighting in Mindanao.
“Why don’t they just compete in sports?” he said.
“Maybe they can think of having a sports fest between the armed forces and the MILF. That could put an end to fighting in Mindanao if they would not have to use their guns anymore.”
Troops ready for action
Armed Forces chief Gen. Alexander Yano ordered troops in parts of Mindanao to prepare for any attack from rogue bands of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, Lt. Col. Ernesto Torres, Armed Forces public affairs chief, said Yano gave this directive during a visit to troops in Sirawai, Zamboanga and Cagayan de Oro City the other day and yesterday.
“Troops there were given an instruction that while seemingly, there is a lull in combat operations in their area of operation, they have to be prepared just in case there would be an escalation of atrocities from nearby provinces,” he said.
Eight soldiers, including an officer, have been reported wounded when an improvised explosive went off following a clash with MILF rebels in Barangay Tukanalipao, in Mamasapano town, Maguindanao yesterday.
Maj. Armand Rico, Armed Forces Eastern Mindanao Command spokesman, identified the wounded soldiers as Lt. Edever Pulido, S/Sgt. Joseph Simangan, Sgt. Renato Roble; Corporals Ruben Nicolas; Roberto Anap, Jesus Alcoba; and Privates First Class Gilbert Garciano and Erwin Palencia.
“The wounded were evacuated to Tamundong Hospital and Isulan Hospital,” he said.
“They are all in stable condition.”
An MILF rebel was also reported killed and an undetermined number wounded in the fighting, he added. Rico said the soldiers, backed by two armored vehicles, fought for 15-minutes with about 60 rebels.
Meantime, Sen. Manuel Roxas II told the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) not to revive the agreement on ancestral domain since it was already a dead issue that “needs to rest in peace.”
Speaking to reporters in Zamboanga City yesterday, Roxas said the government has already junked the signing of the agreement for the creation of the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity.
“Patay na ang MOA-AD, ilibing na natin ito at lagyan ng bato (The MOA-AD is dead, let’s bury it and put a gravestone). It’s a dead issue,” he said. – With Roel Pareño
V.I.P. Jail
Editorial
Philippine Daily Inquirer
MANILA, Philippines - If Rizal were alive today, and writing the “Fili,” he may well begin by describing the social hierarchy inside the National Bilibid Prisons. Here, truly, can be found the ship of state, run aground.
Some convicts, rich or well-connected or both, live in special housing of their own, markedly different from the rest; the rest, most of them poor, share wretched, even inhuman conditions. Above them all sits a compromised management, partial to the powerful and protected by partisan politicians.
One thing the controversial and rashly rationalized release of double-murderer Claudio Teehankee Jr. has done is to remind the public, all over again, that justice is all too often not blind, that all too often the administration of justice does not only recognize but actively reinforces the difference between rich prisoners and poor. When Teehankee served his double life sentence (he was released after about 14 years), he lived in a rich man’s “kubol”—a special, customized detention area—isolated from non-privileged prisoners.
In his last days in Bilibid, Teehankee moved into the special quarters built by ex-congressman Romeo Jalosjos, convicted of raping a child but now enjoying the privilege of “living out” of prison in preparation for his eventual release. The Jalosjos “kubol” features a queen-size bed, a refrigerator, a private bathroom with hot and cold water and, not least, a 42-inch LCD television set with cable service.
According to an Inquirer source, as many as 6,000 “kubols” were constructed inside the maximum security area over the years, “with the permission of the NBP superintendent.”
Justice Secretary Raul Gonzalez admits the practice is a problem, but telegraphs an unwillingness or an inability to do anything about it. Instead, he rationalized the practice in characteristically outrageous terms. “High-profile inmates have threats. It is also fair to give them some exceptional security,” he said. “It is a difficult situation to mix them up with the other inmates …. Inmates tend to kill each other.”
By that token, every prisoner should be in solitary confinement!
But of course all Gonzalez meant by “high-profile” is “rich.” Rich or powerful prisoners are the only ones who can afford to construct special quarters (or buy one, in the case of the Jalosjos “kubol,” after he was done with it). Indeed, and as Gonzalez should know all too well, most victims of intra-prison violence are those who are decidedly low-profile: gang members who ran out of luck or convicts who have no money to pay for protection.
Why shouldn’t the government “allow” these likely victims a measure of “exceptional security”? Because they cannot afford it. That is what makes the special-quarters practice offensive. It renders the administration of justice unfair, and makes the application of the law’s heavy hand self-evidently uneven.
The chair of the Commission on Human Rights, noted election lawyer Leila de Lima, acknowledged that there may be nothing illegal in allowing inmates to construct improvements inside prison. “Nothing can prevent them from improving the facilities in prison, like the sports facilities, or adding more cells or rooms, or starting livelihood [projects] for other inmates. They can do that. That is laudable, in fact. That is the primary duty of the government, but it just can’t afford it.”
But: “What makes it objectionable is when they [build] special quarters [for themselves] while others do not.” Or, because of financial circumstance, cannot.
Philippine Daily Inquirer
MANILA, Philippines - If Rizal were alive today, and writing the “Fili,” he may well begin by describing the social hierarchy inside the National Bilibid Prisons. Here, truly, can be found the ship of state, run aground.
Some convicts, rich or well-connected or both, live in special housing of their own, markedly different from the rest; the rest, most of them poor, share wretched, even inhuman conditions. Above them all sits a compromised management, partial to the powerful and protected by partisan politicians.
One thing the controversial and rashly rationalized release of double-murderer Claudio Teehankee Jr. has done is to remind the public, all over again, that justice is all too often not blind, that all too often the administration of justice does not only recognize but actively reinforces the difference between rich prisoners and poor. When Teehankee served his double life sentence (he was released after about 14 years), he lived in a rich man’s “kubol”—a special, customized detention area—isolated from non-privileged prisoners.
In his last days in Bilibid, Teehankee moved into the special quarters built by ex-congressman Romeo Jalosjos, convicted of raping a child but now enjoying the privilege of “living out” of prison in preparation for his eventual release. The Jalosjos “kubol” features a queen-size bed, a refrigerator, a private bathroom with hot and cold water and, not least, a 42-inch LCD television set with cable service.
According to an Inquirer source, as many as 6,000 “kubols” were constructed inside the maximum security area over the years, “with the permission of the NBP superintendent.”
Justice Secretary Raul Gonzalez admits the practice is a problem, but telegraphs an unwillingness or an inability to do anything about it. Instead, he rationalized the practice in characteristically outrageous terms. “High-profile inmates have threats. It is also fair to give them some exceptional security,” he said. “It is a difficult situation to mix them up with the other inmates …. Inmates tend to kill each other.”
By that token, every prisoner should be in solitary confinement!
But of course all Gonzalez meant by “high-profile” is “rich.” Rich or powerful prisoners are the only ones who can afford to construct special quarters (or buy one, in the case of the Jalosjos “kubol,” after he was done with it). Indeed, and as Gonzalez should know all too well, most victims of intra-prison violence are those who are decidedly low-profile: gang members who ran out of luck or convicts who have no money to pay for protection.
Why shouldn’t the government “allow” these likely victims a measure of “exceptional security”? Because they cannot afford it. That is what makes the special-quarters practice offensive. It renders the administration of justice unfair, and makes the application of the law’s heavy hand self-evidently uneven.
The chair of the Commission on Human Rights, noted election lawyer Leila de Lima, acknowledged that there may be nothing illegal in allowing inmates to construct improvements inside prison. “Nothing can prevent them from improving the facilities in prison, like the sports facilities, or adding more cells or rooms, or starting livelihood [projects] for other inmates. They can do that. That is laudable, in fact. That is the primary duty of the government, but it just can’t afford it.”
But: “What makes it objectionable is when they [build] special quarters [for themselves] while others do not.” Or, because of financial circumstance, cannot.
Drugs, cell phones found in QC Jail
Nancy C. Carvajal, Philippine Daily Inquirer
MANILA, Philippines—A surprise inspection of inmates’ cells at the Quezon City Jail Sunday morning yielded more than 200 sachets of drugs, drug paraphernalia, cell phones and deadly weapons.
The operation, which was ordered by Senior Supt. Emilio Culang, city jail warden, led to the seizure of at least 250 grams of dried marijuana leaves, 206 sachets which contained marijuana and shabu (methamphetamine hydrochloride), several bottles of solvent and paint thinner and drug paraphernalia.
Also confiscated were 70 cell phones, lewd magazines, playing cards, a bottle of wine and dozens of improvised deadly weapons.
These included spoons, forks, toothbrushes and pencils with sharpened points. There were also needles, lighters, belts, electrical wires, scissors, hammer, assorted ropes and nail cutters. Culang said he has ordered an investigation to determine how the contraband ended up inside the facility.
“There is money in this. I believe some jail personnel are involved in the operation,” he told the Philippine Daily Inquirer (parent company of INQUIRER.net). According to him, a cell phone which is valued at only P500 outside the prison can fetch a sum of as much as P2,000 inside the facility.
“The price goes up in the jail,” Culang said.
The jail warden added that he plans to conduct an inspection of the city jail every month to discourage the entry of contraband. “Even if we could not totally eradicate the bringing in of contraband, we would at least reduce it,” Culang said. The move would also ensure the safety of prisoners, he added.
“The jail is overcrowded and the inmates do not stay and sleep inside their cells but in the yard of the prison compound which also serves as a basketball court,” Culang said. He explained that the jail has 2,800 inmates although it was built to accommodate only 1,000 detainees.
Sunday’s surprise inspection started at 7 a.m. and ended at around 12:30 p.m. It was carried out by dozens of jail guards, including trainees from the Jail National Training Institute, who were called in to augment the city jail personnel. Culang said the inmates were asked to step out of their cells and to stay in the yard of the compound during the duration of the operation. The prisoners were also asked to strip off their T-shirts to ensure that they were not hiding any contraband.
Culang said the inmates were cooperative and showed no resistance during the operation.
“They knew we would apply force to anyone who would try to cause trouble,” he said.
MANILA, Philippines—A surprise inspection of inmates’ cells at the Quezon City Jail Sunday morning yielded more than 200 sachets of drugs, drug paraphernalia, cell phones and deadly weapons.
The operation, which was ordered by Senior Supt. Emilio Culang, city jail warden, led to the seizure of at least 250 grams of dried marijuana leaves, 206 sachets which contained marijuana and shabu (methamphetamine hydrochloride), several bottles of solvent and paint thinner and drug paraphernalia.
Also confiscated were 70 cell phones, lewd magazines, playing cards, a bottle of wine and dozens of improvised deadly weapons.
These included spoons, forks, toothbrushes and pencils with sharpened points. There were also needles, lighters, belts, electrical wires, scissors, hammer, assorted ropes and nail cutters. Culang said he has ordered an investigation to determine how the contraband ended up inside the facility.
“There is money in this. I believe some jail personnel are involved in the operation,” he told the Philippine Daily Inquirer (parent company of INQUIRER.net). According to him, a cell phone which is valued at only P500 outside the prison can fetch a sum of as much as P2,000 inside the facility.
“The price goes up in the jail,” Culang said.
The jail warden added that he plans to conduct an inspection of the city jail every month to discourage the entry of contraband. “Even if we could not totally eradicate the bringing in of contraband, we would at least reduce it,” Culang said. The move would also ensure the safety of prisoners, he added.
“The jail is overcrowded and the inmates do not stay and sleep inside their cells but in the yard of the prison compound which also serves as a basketball court,” Culang said. He explained that the jail has 2,800 inmates although it was built to accommodate only 1,000 detainees.
Sunday’s surprise inspection started at 7 a.m. and ended at around 12:30 p.m. It was carried out by dozens of jail guards, including trainees from the Jail National Training Institute, who were called in to augment the city jail personnel. Culang said the inmates were asked to step out of their cells and to stay in the yard of the compound during the duration of the operation. The prisoners were also asked to strip off their T-shirts to ensure that they were not hiding any contraband.
Culang said the inmates were cooperative and showed no resistance during the operation.
“They knew we would apply force to anyone who would try to cause trouble,” he said.
'Christmas in October for Arroyo Allies
AFTER FILING OF IMPEACH RAP ‘Christmas in October’ for Arroyo allies
By Lira Dalangin-FernandezINQUIRER.net
MANILA, Philippines -- It will be "Christmas in October" for allies of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo at the House of Representative with bribe money expected to flow anew to quash the impeachment complaint against the President, one of the signatories said Monday.
Iloilo Vice Governor Rolex Suplico said that in fact, some members of the majority were "salivating" on the new impeachment complaint, filed by staunch Arroyo critics early in the day.
"Some quarters in the majority actually welcome the filing of the impeachment complaint. They are salivating on the prospects that the impeachment complaint will be filed against their boss because this would mean for them Christmas in October," Suplico told INQUIRER.net in a phone interview.
He added, "This is the best Christmas they will have."
Suplico said a first-term congressman, whom he refused to identify, in fact told him that with the filing of the complaint, “the pot has been sweetened,” which he said was an expression in poker, a popular card game.
Pampanga Governor Ed Panlilio in October 11 last year admitted receiving P500,000 contained in a bag as he was walking out of Malacañang.
The opposition alleged that Malacañang then distributed money to congressmen ranging from P200,000 to P500,000 in an attempt to quash the impeachment bid filed then against the President.
Several congressmen admitted receiving the money but said they would talk only in the proper forum.
By Lira Dalangin-FernandezINQUIRER.net
MANILA, Philippines -- It will be "Christmas in October" for allies of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo at the House of Representative with bribe money expected to flow anew to quash the impeachment complaint against the President, one of the signatories said Monday.
Iloilo Vice Governor Rolex Suplico said that in fact, some members of the majority were "salivating" on the new impeachment complaint, filed by staunch Arroyo critics early in the day.
"Some quarters in the majority actually welcome the filing of the impeachment complaint. They are salivating on the prospects that the impeachment complaint will be filed against their boss because this would mean for them Christmas in October," Suplico told INQUIRER.net in a phone interview.
He added, "This is the best Christmas they will have."
Suplico said a first-term congressman, whom he refused to identify, in fact told him that with the filing of the complaint, “the pot has been sweetened,” which he said was an expression in poker, a popular card game.
Pampanga Governor Ed Panlilio in October 11 last year admitted receiving P500,000 contained in a bag as he was walking out of Malacañang.
The opposition alleged that Malacañang then distributed money to congressmen ranging from P200,000 to P500,000 in an attempt to quash the impeachment bid filed then against the President.
Several congressmen admitted receiving the money but said they would talk only in the proper forum.
Tuesday, October 7, 2008
Ex-customs official charged with graft
By Edu Punay, Philstar
A former Customs police official faces criminal and administrative charges before the Office of the Ombudsman for failing the government’s lifestyle check.
Chief Inspector Isabelo Tibayan is now detailed at the office of presidential adviser for revenue enhancement Narciso Santiago Jr.
In a 16-page complaint, the Revenue Integrity Protection Service of the Department of Finance (DOF-RIPS) accused Tibayan, former intelligence and operations chief of Customs Enforcement and Security Service, of violating of Republic Act 3019 (Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act), perjury and falsification of public documents.
He was also charged administratively for violating Republic Act 6713 (Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees). The DOF-RIPS sought the dismissal from government service of Tibayan, filing of criminal case against him before the Sandiganbayan and forfeiture of his properties in favor of the government as provided under Republic Act 1317.
The Office of the Ombudsman was also asked to place the respondent under preventive suspension while he is being investigated.
Investigation of the DOF-RIPS showed that the personal income of Tibayan grew 25 times in the last 19 years of his government service. Intelligence officers Troy Francis Pizarro, Reynaldo Uson, Reynalito Lazaro and Melchor Piol discovered some questionable real properties and several luxury vehicles.
It was found that Tibayan owns a house and lot in Parañaque, a lot and a condominium in Muntinlupa and four agricultural lands in Lemery, Batangas. His real properties amount to P13,684,105, according to graft investigators. Tibayan’s vehicles include a Mitsubishi Safari, three Ford Expedition vehicles, two Honda cars and a Mitsubishi L300 vehicle.
“Such astronomical growth in respondent’s personal wealth – a 25-fold increase over a 19-year period or, roughly, increments exceeding a hundred percent per year – cannot be justified and/or explained by respondent’s salary from the BOC, which at best, is only P142,044 per annum, before taxes, as confirmed by his Service Record,” read the complaint. The perjury and falsification charges against Tibayan pertained to his alleged manipulation of his Statements of Assets Liabilities and Networth.
“The aforesaid pattern of falsification, perjury and sundry deceits committed by respondent in relation to his SALNs – themselves substantive criminal offenses – are but necessarily corollaries to his main pursuit and preoccupation, through the years, of accumulating unexplained wealth grossly disproportionate to his means during his tenure with the BOC,” read the complaint.
A former Customs police official faces criminal and administrative charges before the Office of the Ombudsman for failing the government’s lifestyle check.
Chief Inspector Isabelo Tibayan is now detailed at the office of presidential adviser for revenue enhancement Narciso Santiago Jr.
In a 16-page complaint, the Revenue Integrity Protection Service of the Department of Finance (DOF-RIPS) accused Tibayan, former intelligence and operations chief of Customs Enforcement and Security Service, of violating of Republic Act 3019 (Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act), perjury and falsification of public documents.
He was also charged administratively for violating Republic Act 6713 (Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees). The DOF-RIPS sought the dismissal from government service of Tibayan, filing of criminal case against him before the Sandiganbayan and forfeiture of his properties in favor of the government as provided under Republic Act 1317.
The Office of the Ombudsman was also asked to place the respondent under preventive suspension while he is being investigated.
Investigation of the DOF-RIPS showed that the personal income of Tibayan grew 25 times in the last 19 years of his government service. Intelligence officers Troy Francis Pizarro, Reynaldo Uson, Reynalito Lazaro and Melchor Piol discovered some questionable real properties and several luxury vehicles.
It was found that Tibayan owns a house and lot in Parañaque, a lot and a condominium in Muntinlupa and four agricultural lands in Lemery, Batangas. His real properties amount to P13,684,105, according to graft investigators. Tibayan’s vehicles include a Mitsubishi Safari, three Ford Expedition vehicles, two Honda cars and a Mitsubishi L300 vehicle.
“Such astronomical growth in respondent’s personal wealth – a 25-fold increase over a 19-year period or, roughly, increments exceeding a hundred percent per year – cannot be justified and/or explained by respondent’s salary from the BOC, which at best, is only P142,044 per annum, before taxes, as confirmed by his Service Record,” read the complaint. The perjury and falsification charges against Tibayan pertained to his alleged manipulation of his Statements of Assets Liabilities and Networth.
“The aforesaid pattern of falsification, perjury and sundry deceits committed by respondent in relation to his SALNs – themselves substantive criminal offenses – are but necessarily corollaries to his main pursuit and preoccupation, through the years, of accumulating unexplained wealth grossly disproportionate to his means during his tenure with the BOC,” read the complaint.
Roll back oil prices or face windfall tax
By Aurea Calica, Philstar
Calls for oil companies to roll back fuel prices mounted yesterday as Sen. Juan Ponce Enrile said these firms must be taxed for excess profits if they refuse to bring down prices.
The House of Representatives is also considering the imposition of a windfall profit tax on oil companies if they refuse to reduce pump prices. Oil prices fell below $90 a barrel on speculation that the spreading financial crisis would exacerbate a global economic slowdown and cut demand for crude oil. But until yesterday, oil companies could not commit to more price cuts. Enrile said the oil companies could not maintain the prices of fuel in the country on the basis of high crude prices.
“They have to scale down their retail price at this time. Otherwise, we will pass a law to see to it that we will get a portion of their huge profit if they are not going to scale down, because that means that if the cost of crude was down, then their margin will get bigger,” Enrile said. He warned he would sponsor a bill to impose an excess profit tax on oil companies. Enrile, chairman of the Senate finance committee, said the recent reimposition of the one-percent tariff on oil was not significant and should not be a reason to maintain high fuel prices.
“That is nothing, that is small. What is one percent of $83? It’s less than a dollar,” Enrile said.
He explained that only the government could pressure oil companies to bring down their prices, but lawmakers could file legislation to force them to give back their profits to the people. “We agree that business must make a profit, but not too much. A reasonable profit yes, but an excess profit can be subject to an excess profit tax… and then we will use that to help people that are suffering because of their refusal to scale down their retail price,” he said.
'Review or repeal law’
Enrile filed a bill to review or repeal the Oil Deregulation Law to prevent oil companies’ abuses.
He said he would also like to push for the anti-trust bill to prevent monopolies or cartels among industries, manipulation of prices of commodities, and price discrimination. He added that a lot of people would be “jailed” if this bill would be passed. He said a boycott of some oil firms would not make sense because it might affect all operations in the country.
But Sen. Francis Escudero, chairman of the Senate ways and means committee, said it would be better to revise or repeal the Oil Deregulation Law rather than impose a new tax on oil companies. “The problem is whatever tax, even on excess profit, will be hard to monitor. We might even give them a reason to further increase their prices,” Escudero said. “For me, the solution is to review or amend the Oil Deregulation Law to teach oil companies a lesson and provide more teeth for the government to sanction companies that do not follow right prices in the world market,” he said.
"Right now, the Department of Energy’s role is a barker and can not seem to guard public interest against the abuses of oil companies,” Escudero said. He said oil companies had been quick to increase their prices based on world market prices but are not as fast when prices are going down. He said it should not take months before oil companies could determine how much rollback must be done and that the DOE must make sure to break the cartel among oil companies. Under the current Oil Deregulation Law, companies could not be forced to scale down prices.
“There is a monopoly and oil companies connive with each other and so the government must have the right and the power to check on them. It should not be like the situation now where the government has to kneel or the President has to talk to oil companies for them to bring down prices,” Escudero said. Speaker Prospero Nograles said Congress would look at the possibility of imposing a windfall tax. “We join the senators’ call for oil companies to further reduce their selling prices,” he said.
Oil firms uncommitted
But oil companies have remained uncommitted on the prospects of another price rollback.
Shell companies in the Philippines country chairman Edgar Chua said most firms adopt a wait-and-see attitude on implementing a price rollback. Both major and new oil players said that the situation remains fluid, especially with the threat of a one- to five-percent import tariff.
Oil firms claimed that the ruling on the tariff on imported crude and refined petroleum products is flawed. Chua said that regulators forget to factor in the foreign exchange component in the trigger price for the level of the import oil tariff. Based on DOE circular 2008-01-0001, the trigger point or price for a one-percent tariff is $91.70 per barrel for Dubai crude and $113 for MOPS diesel. The trigger price for a two-percent tariff is $86.50 per barrel of Dubai crude and $100 for MOPS diesel. For a zero-tariff level, the trigger point is $103.50 per barrel for Dubai crude and $117 per barrel for diesel.
“What they forgot to include is the foreign exchange component,” Chua said at the sidelines of the Management Association of the Philippines (MAP) International CEO conference yesterday.
The recommendation for an amendment of Executive Order 691 must come from the DOE, which must be forwarded to the Department of Finance (DOF) and the National Economic and Development Authority. The DOF estimated that the one-percent tariff is roughly equivalent to P0.23 to P0.35 per liter for gasoline, and P0.46 per liter for diesel. The average price of Dubai crude for the month of September is $95.90 while the peso in the same period averaged P46.17.
For the month of October covering the period Oct. 1 to 6, Dubai price fell to $84.42 while the peso depreciated further to P47.19.
On Oct. 6 alone, Dubai weakened to $79.45 but the peso slumped further to P47.40. Chua admitted that their sales were lower by six to 10 percent compared to the same period last year.
It was Pilipinas Shell Petroleum Corp. that categorically admitted that they would lower the pump price in selected stations located near stations of new oil players. Unioil Petroleum lowered prices of its petroleum products by P3 per liter last month at a time when the rest of the field reduced prices by P1 per liter. People flocked to the Unioil stations but supply quickly ran dry.
There are speculations that prices could go down to $50 per barrel due to slumping demand brought about by the global financial crisis and economic slowdown.
‘Implement substantial rollback’
The Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan) also demanded that local oil companies immediately implement “substantial rollback” in pump prices, saying that not doing so is “glaring proof” that the Oil Deregulation Law has failed. The group said the drastic drop in oil prices worldwide "undoubtedly” warrants a pump price reduction of at least P7 per liter for diesel, P2.30 for gasoline, and P8 for kerosene. Based on the study by Bayan, oil companies should have already “implemented a major reduction in pump prices” since Sept. 26. It pointed out the steadily declining prices of Dubai crude as its benchmark for computing the price rollback and even factored in the weakening Philippine peso. “Even if the peso continues to weaken, and even if oil tariffs are restored, a substantial rollback can still take place. Having no rollback at all is totally unacceptable for consumers. That would be a gross injustice,” said Renato Reyes Jr., Bayan secretary-general.
Reyes said local oil firms should all the more implement a price cut since world oil prices are dipping below the $88 per barrel mark. “The trend in oil prices is that of a steady decline. The immediate P7 rollback may even be a conservative estimate in the light of even bigger drops in world oil prices. The previous oil price hikes were pushed by speculation. When the reality of the global economic slowdown set in, oil prices have been pushed down,” he said. Reyes criticized the DOE for “refusing to acknowledge and failing to understand that even if world oil prices go down, the power to lower pump prices of oil lies with the ‘cartel’ in the local oil industry.” Bayan insisted that the Oil Deregulation Law must be immediately scrapped.
“Government appears to be able to compute a price rollback yet (it) is powerless in the face of the deregulation law. Then why does government continue to uphold such a law?” Reyes said.
“It’s not about who can give the best sound bite. It’s about changing the policy. All your sound bites on the rollback are useless if you end up defending the Oil Deregulation Law,” he added. – With Katherine Adraneda, Jess Diaz
Calls for oil companies to roll back fuel prices mounted yesterday as Sen. Juan Ponce Enrile said these firms must be taxed for excess profits if they refuse to bring down prices.
The House of Representatives is also considering the imposition of a windfall profit tax on oil companies if they refuse to reduce pump prices. Oil prices fell below $90 a barrel on speculation that the spreading financial crisis would exacerbate a global economic slowdown and cut demand for crude oil. But until yesterday, oil companies could not commit to more price cuts. Enrile said the oil companies could not maintain the prices of fuel in the country on the basis of high crude prices.
“They have to scale down their retail price at this time. Otherwise, we will pass a law to see to it that we will get a portion of their huge profit if they are not going to scale down, because that means that if the cost of crude was down, then their margin will get bigger,” Enrile said. He warned he would sponsor a bill to impose an excess profit tax on oil companies. Enrile, chairman of the Senate finance committee, said the recent reimposition of the one-percent tariff on oil was not significant and should not be a reason to maintain high fuel prices.
“That is nothing, that is small. What is one percent of $83? It’s less than a dollar,” Enrile said.
He explained that only the government could pressure oil companies to bring down their prices, but lawmakers could file legislation to force them to give back their profits to the people. “We agree that business must make a profit, but not too much. A reasonable profit yes, but an excess profit can be subject to an excess profit tax… and then we will use that to help people that are suffering because of their refusal to scale down their retail price,” he said.
'Review or repeal law’
Enrile filed a bill to review or repeal the Oil Deregulation Law to prevent oil companies’ abuses.
He said he would also like to push for the anti-trust bill to prevent monopolies or cartels among industries, manipulation of prices of commodities, and price discrimination. He added that a lot of people would be “jailed” if this bill would be passed. He said a boycott of some oil firms would not make sense because it might affect all operations in the country.
But Sen. Francis Escudero, chairman of the Senate ways and means committee, said it would be better to revise or repeal the Oil Deregulation Law rather than impose a new tax on oil companies. “The problem is whatever tax, even on excess profit, will be hard to monitor. We might even give them a reason to further increase their prices,” Escudero said. “For me, the solution is to review or amend the Oil Deregulation Law to teach oil companies a lesson and provide more teeth for the government to sanction companies that do not follow right prices in the world market,” he said.
"Right now, the Department of Energy’s role is a barker and can not seem to guard public interest against the abuses of oil companies,” Escudero said. He said oil companies had been quick to increase their prices based on world market prices but are not as fast when prices are going down. He said it should not take months before oil companies could determine how much rollback must be done and that the DOE must make sure to break the cartel among oil companies. Under the current Oil Deregulation Law, companies could not be forced to scale down prices.
“There is a monopoly and oil companies connive with each other and so the government must have the right and the power to check on them. It should not be like the situation now where the government has to kneel or the President has to talk to oil companies for them to bring down prices,” Escudero said. Speaker Prospero Nograles said Congress would look at the possibility of imposing a windfall tax. “We join the senators’ call for oil companies to further reduce their selling prices,” he said.
Oil firms uncommitted
But oil companies have remained uncommitted on the prospects of another price rollback.
Shell companies in the Philippines country chairman Edgar Chua said most firms adopt a wait-and-see attitude on implementing a price rollback. Both major and new oil players said that the situation remains fluid, especially with the threat of a one- to five-percent import tariff.
Oil firms claimed that the ruling on the tariff on imported crude and refined petroleum products is flawed. Chua said that regulators forget to factor in the foreign exchange component in the trigger price for the level of the import oil tariff. Based on DOE circular 2008-01-0001, the trigger point or price for a one-percent tariff is $91.70 per barrel for Dubai crude and $113 for MOPS diesel. The trigger price for a two-percent tariff is $86.50 per barrel of Dubai crude and $100 for MOPS diesel. For a zero-tariff level, the trigger point is $103.50 per barrel for Dubai crude and $117 per barrel for diesel.
“What they forgot to include is the foreign exchange component,” Chua said at the sidelines of the Management Association of the Philippines (MAP) International CEO conference yesterday.
The recommendation for an amendment of Executive Order 691 must come from the DOE, which must be forwarded to the Department of Finance (DOF) and the National Economic and Development Authority. The DOF estimated that the one-percent tariff is roughly equivalent to P0.23 to P0.35 per liter for gasoline, and P0.46 per liter for diesel. The average price of Dubai crude for the month of September is $95.90 while the peso in the same period averaged P46.17.
For the month of October covering the period Oct. 1 to 6, Dubai price fell to $84.42 while the peso depreciated further to P47.19.
On Oct. 6 alone, Dubai weakened to $79.45 but the peso slumped further to P47.40. Chua admitted that their sales were lower by six to 10 percent compared to the same period last year.
It was Pilipinas Shell Petroleum Corp. that categorically admitted that they would lower the pump price in selected stations located near stations of new oil players. Unioil Petroleum lowered prices of its petroleum products by P3 per liter last month at a time when the rest of the field reduced prices by P1 per liter. People flocked to the Unioil stations but supply quickly ran dry.
There are speculations that prices could go down to $50 per barrel due to slumping demand brought about by the global financial crisis and economic slowdown.
‘Implement substantial rollback’
The Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan) also demanded that local oil companies immediately implement “substantial rollback” in pump prices, saying that not doing so is “glaring proof” that the Oil Deregulation Law has failed. The group said the drastic drop in oil prices worldwide "undoubtedly” warrants a pump price reduction of at least P7 per liter for diesel, P2.30 for gasoline, and P8 for kerosene. Based on the study by Bayan, oil companies should have already “implemented a major reduction in pump prices” since Sept. 26. It pointed out the steadily declining prices of Dubai crude as its benchmark for computing the price rollback and even factored in the weakening Philippine peso. “Even if the peso continues to weaken, and even if oil tariffs are restored, a substantial rollback can still take place. Having no rollback at all is totally unacceptable for consumers. That would be a gross injustice,” said Renato Reyes Jr., Bayan secretary-general.
Reyes said local oil firms should all the more implement a price cut since world oil prices are dipping below the $88 per barrel mark. “The trend in oil prices is that of a steady decline. The immediate P7 rollback may even be a conservative estimate in the light of even bigger drops in world oil prices. The previous oil price hikes were pushed by speculation. When the reality of the global economic slowdown set in, oil prices have been pushed down,” he said. Reyes criticized the DOE for “refusing to acknowledge and failing to understand that even if world oil prices go down, the power to lower pump prices of oil lies with the ‘cartel’ in the local oil industry.” Bayan insisted that the Oil Deregulation Law must be immediately scrapped.
“Government appears to be able to compute a price rollback yet (it) is powerless in the face of the deregulation law. Then why does government continue to uphold such a law?” Reyes said.
“It’s not about who can give the best sound bite. It’s about changing the policy. All your sound bites on the rollback are useless if you end up defending the Oil Deregulation Law,” he added. – With Katherine Adraneda, Jess Diaz
Moro war is about injustice
By Fernando del Mundo
Philippine Daily Inquirer
COTABATO CITY—Dr. Abas Candao says friends wonder why in spite of the over 10 years he had spent in Saudi Arabia he never learned to speak fluent Arabic. It’s because, says the anesthesiologist, “I put people to sleep.”
Today, the 60-year-old Candao is attempting to awaken a nation from a nightmare rooted in centuries-old resentments that erupted into a full-blown Moro separatist war four decades ago. "They say it’s just poverty and you solve poverty and there’s going to be peace,” says Candao, chair and CEO of the Bangsamoro Development Agency (BDA), which is charged under a tottering peace accord with overseeing the post-conflict, multidonor rehabilitation of Mindanao. "I think a lot of international donors have already realized that this is wrong,” says the silver-haired physician. “The center of all these things is injustice. The people are being impoverished because of injustice. So we have to solve this. We cannot just let injustice happen before our eyes.”
Candao says this all began when Spain ceded the Philippines along with vast tracks of Moro ancestral lands to the United States for $20 million under the 1898 Treaty of Paris that ended the Spanish-American War. There’s the “brutality” of a government campaign to fill the region with Christian settlers and an “unjust public land law,” he says.
From Spain to the United States and later the Philippines, the strategy of colonial rule persisted, Candao says, speaking in a matter-of-fact tone without a trace of rancor or bitterness. Candao spoke to the Philippine Daily Inquirer at his austere office in a house of corrugated roof and thatched bamboo just before breaking fast a week before the end of the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan. He looked tired in his black shirt with “Café Cappuccino” inscribed on it, white pants and white slippers.
3 strands in peace package
An offshoot of the 2002 agreement between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the BDA is the project implementing body that will take charge of relief, rehabilitation and development. The 2002 accord was the second of three strands in a peace package. The first was the 1997 ceasefire. The third was a deal on an expanded Bangsamoro homeland that the Supreme Court stopped in August amid fears its creation would lead to dismemberment.
MILF commanders, enraged at the delay, attacked Christian settlements, provoking a military backlash that is now on its second month. More than half a million people have been forced to flee their homes as a result. Candao says the BDA was conceptualized in Saudi Arabia, where he worked from 1980 to 1990 in a Jeddah hospital, in meetings he had with late MILF chair Hashim Salamat, who used to call professionals to discuss the problems of Mindanao.
Salamat was one of the founders of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) led by Nur Misuari that challenged President Ferdinand Marcos after martial law was declared in 1972.
Salamat had then just returned from al-Azhar University in Cairo, the Islamic world’s equivalent of Harvard, where he earned his doctorate in Islamic theology that would later make him an aleem, about the same rank as a Catholic archbishop.
He broke away from Misuari in 1978 and six years later established the MILF. The MILF puts much greater emphasis on Islam than the MNLF, and most of its leaders are Islamic scholars from traditional aristocratic and religious backgrounds. Salamat died in July 2003.
Roadmap to development
“Granting we get what we want, whether violently or through peaceful means, after that, what?” Candao says. “I think it is very important that we have some sort of a roadmap, a guide that would show us what to do.” In 2000-2001, Candao talked to a group of Moro professionals who later formed the core of what is now the BDA, which is working on a comprehensive development plan for Mindanao. “If we succeed in initiating a government, this government is going to make use of this comprehensive Bangsamoro development plan. Otherwise, we will suffer the same fate as the former group who signed an agreement (in September 1996) with the government without really knowing what to do after that,” Candao says. “They had a long period of inactivity because they didn’t know what to do. So I said we don’t want to suffer the same fate.”
He says the MNLF, mainly composed of Tausugs, is “very exclusive.” The MNLF insurgency led to the formation of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) in 1990. But its critics say the ARMM, as with traditional politicians and warlords, did little to improve the lot of the Moros.
Most impoverished region
Official statistics show that the ARMM, of which Misuari was a former governor, remains the most impoverished region in the Philippines. It is also regarded as corrupt. The “Hello Garci” controversy, in which President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was alleged to have stolen the 2004 presidential election—a charge she denies—took place in the ARMM.
Candao says the MILF will not repeat the mistakes of the past. “After a government is set up, it’s going to be able to work because it will know what to do. Having a plan will minimize graft and corruption. It will be able to maximize the use of funds. We will know what funds to use for where, how much. “It will also show sincerity on the part of the MILF leaders if they can show that they are planning for peace, for development. Otherwise, they will just be thinking about wars,” Candao says.
The World Bank-administered Mindanao Trust Fund was formed in 2005 to help the BDA in a two-phased development program that began with “capacity building”—a buzzword for training workers who will carry out the rebuilding of the South when peace finally comes. Projects are “community driven,” monitored and reviewed by donors and the respected auditing firm of SyCip, Gorres and Velayo.
Empowering people
“They (donors) find it an effective way of empowering people, teaching them how to do things by themselves, learning, managing, how to decide by themselves, how to work together,” Candao says. He says that about a year ago, he was able to convince the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA)—the world’s largest source of bilateral development assistance—to help the BDA.
“JICA wanted a socio-economic development plan, not a comprehensive national development plan, and I agreed,” he says.
“They saw no existing data at the barangay level, so that’s what they decided to come up (as) the basis of subsequent planning. They also did maps and review of existing data on municipal, provincial, regional level and a review of all existing plans and programs in the area.
Bangsamoro perspectives
“There have been existing plans before but their objectives and direction were different. This is from our point of view. The previous plans were done from the point of view of government,” he says. He says government plans have always been for the benefit of regions other than Mindanao—the growth corridors and even the formulation that it is a “breadbasket” of the rest of the country. Candao says the BDA is making plans “from the point of view of the Bangsamoro.” “How do we become economically, politically, culturally at par with the rest of the country and the rest of the world. And because of our peculiarity as Muslims, we would like to see to it that we are able to live as Muslims.
“We would like to see Halal systems subsisting in our areas. We would like to see Islamic banking. We would like to see Islamic business thrive in our area. These are all part of this plan,” says Candao, who wrote “Bangsamoro” in the space for “nation” in his resumé.
Where does the 12,000-strong MILF come in the comprehensive development plan?
“We have to think about them. They should be part of the plan,” he says. Asked what’s the plan for the MILF’s military wing, Candao replies: “None yet.” He says the MILF has the right to claim that the BDA is its development arm. “And so, that’s what we are. For as long as we are serving the people, no problem. We are their baby,” he says.
Loyalty to our people
“Our loyalty is to our people. We hope that what we set out to accomplish will be accomplished. We’re helping people to build a nation. “Our people have long suffered and the earlier we are able to help extricate our people from this quagmire, the better, of course. We are aiming to build enlightened communities, in other words, peace, progress for our people,” he says.
Candao laments President Arroyo’s decision to cancel the peace talks with the MILF, disband her negotiating panel and introduce a new precondition for the resumption of talks: disarmament, demobilization and rehabilitation (DDR).
“DDR should be there at the tail end, not the first thing to talk about” he says. “You don’t start by saying you part with your guns first. No. We talk about why there are fighting. They say it’s because of injustice. Then correct that injustice. And then when you remove the cause of this fighting then that’s the time to say you don’t have any use for these guns.”
In spite of these developments, Candao is upbeat. “You cannot lose hope. We must not lose hope,” he says. Acceptance of the deal on the expanded Moro homeland is a way forward—a chance for the government to show goodwill.
Philippine Daily Inquirer
COTABATO CITY—Dr. Abas Candao says friends wonder why in spite of the over 10 years he had spent in Saudi Arabia he never learned to speak fluent Arabic. It’s because, says the anesthesiologist, “I put people to sleep.”
Today, the 60-year-old Candao is attempting to awaken a nation from a nightmare rooted in centuries-old resentments that erupted into a full-blown Moro separatist war four decades ago. "They say it’s just poverty and you solve poverty and there’s going to be peace,” says Candao, chair and CEO of the Bangsamoro Development Agency (BDA), which is charged under a tottering peace accord with overseeing the post-conflict, multidonor rehabilitation of Mindanao. "I think a lot of international donors have already realized that this is wrong,” says the silver-haired physician. “The center of all these things is injustice. The people are being impoverished because of injustice. So we have to solve this. We cannot just let injustice happen before our eyes.”
Candao says this all began when Spain ceded the Philippines along with vast tracks of Moro ancestral lands to the United States for $20 million under the 1898 Treaty of Paris that ended the Spanish-American War. There’s the “brutality” of a government campaign to fill the region with Christian settlers and an “unjust public land law,” he says.
From Spain to the United States and later the Philippines, the strategy of colonial rule persisted, Candao says, speaking in a matter-of-fact tone without a trace of rancor or bitterness. Candao spoke to the Philippine Daily Inquirer at his austere office in a house of corrugated roof and thatched bamboo just before breaking fast a week before the end of the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan. He looked tired in his black shirt with “Café Cappuccino” inscribed on it, white pants and white slippers.
3 strands in peace package
An offshoot of the 2002 agreement between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the BDA is the project implementing body that will take charge of relief, rehabilitation and development. The 2002 accord was the second of three strands in a peace package. The first was the 1997 ceasefire. The third was a deal on an expanded Bangsamoro homeland that the Supreme Court stopped in August amid fears its creation would lead to dismemberment.
MILF commanders, enraged at the delay, attacked Christian settlements, provoking a military backlash that is now on its second month. More than half a million people have been forced to flee their homes as a result. Candao says the BDA was conceptualized in Saudi Arabia, where he worked from 1980 to 1990 in a Jeddah hospital, in meetings he had with late MILF chair Hashim Salamat, who used to call professionals to discuss the problems of Mindanao.
Salamat was one of the founders of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) led by Nur Misuari that challenged President Ferdinand Marcos after martial law was declared in 1972.
Salamat had then just returned from al-Azhar University in Cairo, the Islamic world’s equivalent of Harvard, where he earned his doctorate in Islamic theology that would later make him an aleem, about the same rank as a Catholic archbishop.
He broke away from Misuari in 1978 and six years later established the MILF. The MILF puts much greater emphasis on Islam than the MNLF, and most of its leaders are Islamic scholars from traditional aristocratic and religious backgrounds. Salamat died in July 2003.
Roadmap to development
“Granting we get what we want, whether violently or through peaceful means, after that, what?” Candao says. “I think it is very important that we have some sort of a roadmap, a guide that would show us what to do.” In 2000-2001, Candao talked to a group of Moro professionals who later formed the core of what is now the BDA, which is working on a comprehensive development plan for Mindanao. “If we succeed in initiating a government, this government is going to make use of this comprehensive Bangsamoro development plan. Otherwise, we will suffer the same fate as the former group who signed an agreement (in September 1996) with the government without really knowing what to do after that,” Candao says. “They had a long period of inactivity because they didn’t know what to do. So I said we don’t want to suffer the same fate.”
He says the MNLF, mainly composed of Tausugs, is “very exclusive.” The MNLF insurgency led to the formation of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) in 1990. But its critics say the ARMM, as with traditional politicians and warlords, did little to improve the lot of the Moros.
Most impoverished region
Official statistics show that the ARMM, of which Misuari was a former governor, remains the most impoverished region in the Philippines. It is also regarded as corrupt. The “Hello Garci” controversy, in which President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was alleged to have stolen the 2004 presidential election—a charge she denies—took place in the ARMM.
Candao says the MILF will not repeat the mistakes of the past. “After a government is set up, it’s going to be able to work because it will know what to do. Having a plan will minimize graft and corruption. It will be able to maximize the use of funds. We will know what funds to use for where, how much. “It will also show sincerity on the part of the MILF leaders if they can show that they are planning for peace, for development. Otherwise, they will just be thinking about wars,” Candao says.
The World Bank-administered Mindanao Trust Fund was formed in 2005 to help the BDA in a two-phased development program that began with “capacity building”—a buzzword for training workers who will carry out the rebuilding of the South when peace finally comes. Projects are “community driven,” monitored and reviewed by donors and the respected auditing firm of SyCip, Gorres and Velayo.
Empowering people
“They (donors) find it an effective way of empowering people, teaching them how to do things by themselves, learning, managing, how to decide by themselves, how to work together,” Candao says. He says that about a year ago, he was able to convince the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA)—the world’s largest source of bilateral development assistance—to help the BDA.
“JICA wanted a socio-economic development plan, not a comprehensive national development plan, and I agreed,” he says.
“They saw no existing data at the barangay level, so that’s what they decided to come up (as) the basis of subsequent planning. They also did maps and review of existing data on municipal, provincial, regional level and a review of all existing plans and programs in the area.
Bangsamoro perspectives
“There have been existing plans before but their objectives and direction were different. This is from our point of view. The previous plans were done from the point of view of government,” he says. He says government plans have always been for the benefit of regions other than Mindanao—the growth corridors and even the formulation that it is a “breadbasket” of the rest of the country. Candao says the BDA is making plans “from the point of view of the Bangsamoro.” “How do we become economically, politically, culturally at par with the rest of the country and the rest of the world. And because of our peculiarity as Muslims, we would like to see to it that we are able to live as Muslims.
“We would like to see Halal systems subsisting in our areas. We would like to see Islamic banking. We would like to see Islamic business thrive in our area. These are all part of this plan,” says Candao, who wrote “Bangsamoro” in the space for “nation” in his resumé.
Where does the 12,000-strong MILF come in the comprehensive development plan?
“We have to think about them. They should be part of the plan,” he says. Asked what’s the plan for the MILF’s military wing, Candao replies: “None yet.” He says the MILF has the right to claim that the BDA is its development arm. “And so, that’s what we are. For as long as we are serving the people, no problem. We are their baby,” he says.
Loyalty to our people
“Our loyalty is to our people. We hope that what we set out to accomplish will be accomplished. We’re helping people to build a nation. “Our people have long suffered and the earlier we are able to help extricate our people from this quagmire, the better, of course. We are aiming to build enlightened communities, in other words, peace, progress for our people,” he says.
Candao laments President Arroyo’s decision to cancel the peace talks with the MILF, disband her negotiating panel and introduce a new precondition for the resumption of talks: disarmament, demobilization and rehabilitation (DDR).
“DDR should be there at the tail end, not the first thing to talk about” he says. “You don’t start by saying you part with your guns first. No. We talk about why there are fighting. They say it’s because of injustice. Then correct that injustice. And then when you remove the cause of this fighting then that’s the time to say you don’t have any use for these guns.”
In spite of these developments, Candao is upbeat. “You cannot lose hope. We must not lose hope,” he says. Acceptance of the deal on the expanded Moro homeland is a way forward—a chance for the government to show goodwill.
Monday, October 6, 2008
Growing corruption
Editorial, Philippine Daily Inquirer
The bad news is bad indeed. The Philippines continues to slip behind in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index, an annual comparative listing of public perceptions about corruption in 180 countries (as of last count). The Index is highly subjective; it deals with perception, and therefore gives government propagandists elbow room for waffling. But the troubling thing is that the business community’s perception of the Philippines, first tracked last year, as the most corrupt major economy in Asia, as even more corrupt than Indonesia, seems to have already taken hold.
There are essentially two ways to understand the CPI list: through a country’s “score” (the farther away from 10 and the closer to 0, the worse it is), and through a country’s ranking (180 is the lowest rung).
At 141, the Philippines is in the bottom 40 countries. In 1995, the first year Transparency International’s “poll of polls” came out, it was at 36—out of 41 countries. In other words, from the very first CPI, the country has always brought up the rear. The only difference is that, in 1995, the rankings of the five original ASEAN member-countries had Indonesia last. (In fact, in 1995, Indonesia was at the bottom of the entire list, at 41.) Singapore was near the top, Malaysia was somewhere in the middle, and Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia (in that order) were in the bottom part. That “pattern” has held steady since the start—until this year.
The Philippines’ score is 2.3 this year, the lowest ever. Indeed, since President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo assumed office in 2001, the country’s score has fluctuated between 2.5 and 2.6—until it fell this year. (A score of 2.3 puts the Philippines on the same level of perception as Cameroon, Iran and Yemen.)
The fact that the Philippines “achieved” its highest score during the height (or the depths, depending on your point of view) of the Estrada administration (3.6 in 1999) can be interpreted in two contrasting ways. Critics of the Arroyo administration and members of today’s opposition can read this as undeniable proof that (a) allegations of corruption in the previous administration were exaggerated or (b) the current administration is simply more corrupt than the one it succeeded.
Defenders of the Arroyo administration can read the Estrada record as incontrovertible proof that the CPI is an unreliable metric because it is based, precisely, on perception. They can argue that the first full year of the Estrada administration benefited from the goodwill of the last year of the Ramos administration, when the country hit a score of 3.5. By the same token, they can also argue that the low initial score registered under the Arroyo administration (2.6, in 2001) reflects the scale of the corruption under Estrada, which came to full light only after his ouster.
There may be something to all this; the CPI, according to Transparency International, is "determined by expert assessments and opinion surveys.” There is therefore a whole lot of wiggle room.
There is also a question about the objective meaning of the rankings. The chaotic state of affairs in oil-rich Nigeria, for instance, is a fact of life. Any Filipino who has done business there can attest to the rampant corruption that unfortunately marks life in that particular country. And yet Nigeria, in the 2008 CPI, is perceived as less corrupt than Vietnam, Indonesia or the Philippines.
Despite these caveats, however, the CPI can still prove useful to policymakers. The real bottom line is clear: It is the perception of the business community, both inside the country and especially outside, that corruption has worsened. That perception cements the country’s one-year-old reputation as the most corrupt of the original ASEAN 5 members.
Government officials may quibble, but mysterious cases like the inexplicable flight of successful-businessman-turned-fertilizer-fund-financier Joc-Joc Bolante or the curious involvement of then-Commission on Elections chairman Benjamin Abalos in the National Broadband Network deal or the what-were-they-thinking disbursements of cash bundles for governors and congressmen right inside Malacañang have a real impact on public perceptions of corruption. Reality shapes perception.
The bad news is bad indeed. The Philippines continues to slip behind in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index, an annual comparative listing of public perceptions about corruption in 180 countries (as of last count). The Index is highly subjective; it deals with perception, and therefore gives government propagandists elbow room for waffling. But the troubling thing is that the business community’s perception of the Philippines, first tracked last year, as the most corrupt major economy in Asia, as even more corrupt than Indonesia, seems to have already taken hold.
There are essentially two ways to understand the CPI list: through a country’s “score” (the farther away from 10 and the closer to 0, the worse it is), and through a country’s ranking (180 is the lowest rung).
At 141, the Philippines is in the bottom 40 countries. In 1995, the first year Transparency International’s “poll of polls” came out, it was at 36—out of 41 countries. In other words, from the very first CPI, the country has always brought up the rear. The only difference is that, in 1995, the rankings of the five original ASEAN member-countries had Indonesia last. (In fact, in 1995, Indonesia was at the bottom of the entire list, at 41.) Singapore was near the top, Malaysia was somewhere in the middle, and Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia (in that order) were in the bottom part. That “pattern” has held steady since the start—until this year.
The Philippines’ score is 2.3 this year, the lowest ever. Indeed, since President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo assumed office in 2001, the country’s score has fluctuated between 2.5 and 2.6—until it fell this year. (A score of 2.3 puts the Philippines on the same level of perception as Cameroon, Iran and Yemen.)
The fact that the Philippines “achieved” its highest score during the height (or the depths, depending on your point of view) of the Estrada administration (3.6 in 1999) can be interpreted in two contrasting ways. Critics of the Arroyo administration and members of today’s opposition can read this as undeniable proof that (a) allegations of corruption in the previous administration were exaggerated or (b) the current administration is simply more corrupt than the one it succeeded.
Defenders of the Arroyo administration can read the Estrada record as incontrovertible proof that the CPI is an unreliable metric because it is based, precisely, on perception. They can argue that the first full year of the Estrada administration benefited from the goodwill of the last year of the Ramos administration, when the country hit a score of 3.5. By the same token, they can also argue that the low initial score registered under the Arroyo administration (2.6, in 2001) reflects the scale of the corruption under Estrada, which came to full light only after his ouster.
There may be something to all this; the CPI, according to Transparency International, is "determined by expert assessments and opinion surveys.” There is therefore a whole lot of wiggle room.
There is also a question about the objective meaning of the rankings. The chaotic state of affairs in oil-rich Nigeria, for instance, is a fact of life. Any Filipino who has done business there can attest to the rampant corruption that unfortunately marks life in that particular country. And yet Nigeria, in the 2008 CPI, is perceived as less corrupt than Vietnam, Indonesia or the Philippines.
Despite these caveats, however, the CPI can still prove useful to policymakers. The real bottom line is clear: It is the perception of the business community, both inside the country and especially outside, that corruption has worsened. That perception cements the country’s one-year-old reputation as the most corrupt of the original ASEAN 5 members.
Government officials may quibble, but mysterious cases like the inexplicable flight of successful-businessman-turned-fertilizer-fund-financier Joc-Joc Bolante or the curious involvement of then-Commission on Elections chairman Benjamin Abalos in the National Broadband Network deal or the what-were-they-thinking disbursements of cash bundles for governors and congressmen right inside Malacañang have a real impact on public perceptions of corruption. Reality shapes perception.
'Business-as-usual' defense budget
By Ramon J. Farolan
Philippine Daily Inquirer
For a soldier, some things are difficult to say but the truth is, our armed forces are undermanned and ill-equipped to fight the threats that face the nation. If the recent budget hearings on defense proposals offer any indication, it is that we have been simply carrying on with a "business as usual" attitude.
The defense budget that was presented to Congress last week amounted to P56.5 billion, representing the regular allocations for land, air and maritime forces, plus DND requirements. In addition, the budget provided for Special Purpose Funds (SPF), mainly pension and gratuity benefits. Also included was P5 billion for the Capability Upgrade Program (CUP). So far, much of the CUP has been used for communications equipment, force protection equipment (helmets and vests) and weapons systems upgrade, mostly small-ticket items.
The amount of P56.5 billion represents an increase of 10 percent or P5.4 billion over the appropriation for year 2008 of P51 billion. As against the various agency proposals of about P77.5 billion, the P56.5 billion was short by 27 percent, or P21 billion. If one considers the increase in oil prices, this variance becomes even more pronounced. As usual, the bulk of the P56.5 billion is for personal services (pay and allowances) amounting to 73.1 percent. The rest is for maintenance and operating expenses, plus a minimal amount for capital outlay.
As I mentioned earlier, this budget is a "business as usual" budget. There is absolutely no sense of urgency, no appreciation of the crisis we face and of the dangers that lie ahead. We are not providing the armed forces with the means to accomplish their mission. Over and above the budget that has been presented, the minimum AFP requirement that will allow intensified internal security operations against the two insurgencies (Muslim and NPA) is as follows:
The Army needs P13.4 billion, mainly for the activation of 12 infantry battalions and 140 civilian auxiliary companies, as well as the filling up of units already in place. It also seeks to bring up the equipment of all infantry battalions to a level of 100 percent.
The Air Force needs P12.1 billion, mainly for aircraft maintenance and aviation petroleum, oil and lubricants (POL) for current and additional aircraft. Procurement of new aircraft falls under a separate Capability Upgrade Program. My information is that bidding is now underway for 14 attack helicopters after an earlier bidding was scrapped for irregularities.
The Navy wants P12 billion for an Integrated Logistics Support System (ILSS) and Marine Multi-Purpose Vehicles (MPV), as well as POL and ammunition requirements. The total comes up to roughly P40 billion.
While it is true that we have limited resources, the almost daily scandals on the misuse of government funds-pork barrel, congressional insertions, "bukol" by corrupt government officials-also indicate that we have the resources to support increased defense requirements if we put our minds to it (italics added).
As I mentioned in an earlier column, peace comes from strength and resolve. This will entail sacrifice, fortitude and determination on our part. The AFP must be strengthened at all costs. It is no use talking about wiping out the insurgencies by 2010 if we cannot even supply the mandatory two basic loads of ammo for our soldiers, or if we cannot fund the additional Army and Marine battalions that are needed in the fight. Until we put our money where our mouth is, all talk about 2010 being a year of change and achievement sounds like political posturing more than anything else.
Philippine Daily Inquirer
For a soldier, some things are difficult to say but the truth is, our armed forces are undermanned and ill-equipped to fight the threats that face the nation. If the recent budget hearings on defense proposals offer any indication, it is that we have been simply carrying on with a "business as usual" attitude.
The defense budget that was presented to Congress last week amounted to P56.5 billion, representing the regular allocations for land, air and maritime forces, plus DND requirements. In addition, the budget provided for Special Purpose Funds (SPF), mainly pension and gratuity benefits. Also included was P5 billion for the Capability Upgrade Program (CUP). So far, much of the CUP has been used for communications equipment, force protection equipment (helmets and vests) and weapons systems upgrade, mostly small-ticket items.
The amount of P56.5 billion represents an increase of 10 percent or P5.4 billion over the appropriation for year 2008 of P51 billion. As against the various agency proposals of about P77.5 billion, the P56.5 billion was short by 27 percent, or P21 billion. If one considers the increase in oil prices, this variance becomes even more pronounced. As usual, the bulk of the P56.5 billion is for personal services (pay and allowances) amounting to 73.1 percent. The rest is for maintenance and operating expenses, plus a minimal amount for capital outlay.
As I mentioned earlier, this budget is a "business as usual" budget. There is absolutely no sense of urgency, no appreciation of the crisis we face and of the dangers that lie ahead. We are not providing the armed forces with the means to accomplish their mission. Over and above the budget that has been presented, the minimum AFP requirement that will allow intensified internal security operations against the two insurgencies (Muslim and NPA) is as follows:
The Army needs P13.4 billion, mainly for the activation of 12 infantry battalions and 140 civilian auxiliary companies, as well as the filling up of units already in place. It also seeks to bring up the equipment of all infantry battalions to a level of 100 percent.
The Air Force needs P12.1 billion, mainly for aircraft maintenance and aviation petroleum, oil and lubricants (POL) for current and additional aircraft. Procurement of new aircraft falls under a separate Capability Upgrade Program. My information is that bidding is now underway for 14 attack helicopters after an earlier bidding was scrapped for irregularities.
The Navy wants P12 billion for an Integrated Logistics Support System (ILSS) and Marine Multi-Purpose Vehicles (MPV), as well as POL and ammunition requirements. The total comes up to roughly P40 billion.
While it is true that we have limited resources, the almost daily scandals on the misuse of government funds-pork barrel, congressional insertions, "bukol" by corrupt government officials-also indicate that we have the resources to support increased defense requirements if we put our minds to it (italics added).
As I mentioned in an earlier column, peace comes from strength and resolve. This will entail sacrifice, fortitude and determination on our part. The AFP must be strengthened at all costs. It is no use talking about wiping out the insurgencies by 2010 if we cannot even supply the mandatory two basic loads of ammo for our soldiers, or if we cannot fund the additional Army and Marine battalions that are needed in the fight. Until we put our money where our mouth is, all talk about 2010 being a year of change and achievement sounds like political posturing more than anything else.
Sunday, October 5, 2008
Bro Eddie cites need for RP to focus on genuine reforms
By Angie Chui
Brother Eddie Villanueva, president and spiritual advisor of the Jesus is Lord (JIL) movement, said yesterday it is more important to focus on national transformation and find genuine reforms for the country than to engage in partisan political activities. During a press conference to mark the JIL’s 30th anniversary dubbed "All Peoples Worship His Majesty," Villanueva addressed issues on corruption in government and "bankrupt" electoral process.
"We have looked for positive changes in the wrong places for too long now. And the act has led us only to ever mounting disappointments," he said. "It is hard to change those who do not wish to change. It is difficult to ask someone who does not want to tell the truth to stop telling lies. It is hard to stop corruption among those who do not fear God. This is the reason why any shot at national transformation, without personal regeneration, is impossible," he said, adding that he needs the people’s support in his crusade.
He said public action for national transformation is vital to see the country rise from the ruins.
Villanueva said the decision on whether or not he will run for President in 2010 is not his decision to make, but God’s. "The presidency does not have any ‘it’ to me. If the situation should arise and God would reveal to me that I should lead our beloved people to the ‘promised land,’ and I think the Filipino people are clamoring for genuine change and reforms, there is a possibility that I will entertain that challenge," he said.
Although he acknowledged that there are a lot of groups urging him to throw his hat into the race, he said he cannot be tempted to join the 2010 race, if not for God, to fight for God’s agenda.
"I am not saying yes or no… I am always at the disposal of my God, I do hope God will not command me to do so," he said.
Villanueva first ran for President in the 2004 elections but lost.
During the conference, he cited one of the Church’s recognized transformation leaders, Pampanga Gov. Among Ed Panlilio, who, he said, is a symbol of genuine reform in the country.
He said the People Power elections in Pampanga in 2004 -- where Panlilio, a former priest, triumphed over more powerful and wealthier adversaries -- should be seen as a model for the entire country.
Villanueva also recalled the statement made by former National Security Adviser Jose Almonte who said that what the Philippines needs is a genuine reformist president. The evangelist said with the worsening conditions of the country, it is extremely difficult for the Filipino to elect a genuine reformist president unless the People Power election in Pampanga could be duplicated nationwide. "We need divine intervention. With the kind of bankrupt, rotten electoral process we have, it requires a miracle from God to raise a genuine reformist national leader who has the passion, competence, and courage to perpetuate genuine change and reforms," he said.
Villanueva, however, acknowledged that there are other transformation leaders in the country who represent a clear message of hope to the people.
Among them, he said, were the Church’s anniversary guests Gov. Grace Padaca of Isabela, Gov. Raffy Nantes of Quezon, and Mayor Jesse Robredo of Naga City of the Kaya Natin! movement.
He said as early as now, Bangon Pilipinas leaders are keeping their eyes open for possible alliances with political parties that share their commitment, vision and standards. So far, he said, there have been representatives from at least four political parties who have approached their group.
Villanueva also disclosed that their group has received several feelers from aspiring candidates to seek their support come election time. He sai if they find a suitable candidate, they will not withhold their blessing. He, however, placed emphasis on the criteria for endorsing a candidate. Villanueva said for a candidate to be qualified, he would have to have the three Cs – competence, character, and courage. "It is utterly disgraceful to God that we claim to be the only Christian nation in Asia yet we are today tagged as the number one most corrupt country in the region. I don’t know why we are even silently taking all these perversions sitting down. This should have been a cause for national outrage long time ago. We must altogether rally behind national transformation now, if we are to see our beloved Philippines rise up from the ruins again," Villanueva said.
Brother Eddie Villanueva, president and spiritual advisor of the Jesus is Lord (JIL) movement, said yesterday it is more important to focus on national transformation and find genuine reforms for the country than to engage in partisan political activities. During a press conference to mark the JIL’s 30th anniversary dubbed "All Peoples Worship His Majesty," Villanueva addressed issues on corruption in government and "bankrupt" electoral process.
"We have looked for positive changes in the wrong places for too long now. And the act has led us only to ever mounting disappointments," he said. "It is hard to change those who do not wish to change. It is difficult to ask someone who does not want to tell the truth to stop telling lies. It is hard to stop corruption among those who do not fear God. This is the reason why any shot at national transformation, without personal regeneration, is impossible," he said, adding that he needs the people’s support in his crusade.
He said public action for national transformation is vital to see the country rise from the ruins.
Villanueva said the decision on whether or not he will run for President in 2010 is not his decision to make, but God’s. "The presidency does not have any ‘it’ to me. If the situation should arise and God would reveal to me that I should lead our beloved people to the ‘promised land,’ and I think the Filipino people are clamoring for genuine change and reforms, there is a possibility that I will entertain that challenge," he said.
Although he acknowledged that there are a lot of groups urging him to throw his hat into the race, he said he cannot be tempted to join the 2010 race, if not for God, to fight for God’s agenda.
"I am not saying yes or no… I am always at the disposal of my God, I do hope God will not command me to do so," he said.
Villanueva first ran for President in the 2004 elections but lost.
During the conference, he cited one of the Church’s recognized transformation leaders, Pampanga Gov. Among Ed Panlilio, who, he said, is a symbol of genuine reform in the country.
He said the People Power elections in Pampanga in 2004 -- where Panlilio, a former priest, triumphed over more powerful and wealthier adversaries -- should be seen as a model for the entire country.
Villanueva also recalled the statement made by former National Security Adviser Jose Almonte who said that what the Philippines needs is a genuine reformist president. The evangelist said with the worsening conditions of the country, it is extremely difficult for the Filipino to elect a genuine reformist president unless the People Power election in Pampanga could be duplicated nationwide. "We need divine intervention. With the kind of bankrupt, rotten electoral process we have, it requires a miracle from God to raise a genuine reformist national leader who has the passion, competence, and courage to perpetuate genuine change and reforms," he said.
Villanueva, however, acknowledged that there are other transformation leaders in the country who represent a clear message of hope to the people.
Among them, he said, were the Church’s anniversary guests Gov. Grace Padaca of Isabela, Gov. Raffy Nantes of Quezon, and Mayor Jesse Robredo of Naga City of the Kaya Natin! movement.
He said as early as now, Bangon Pilipinas leaders are keeping their eyes open for possible alliances with political parties that share their commitment, vision and standards. So far, he said, there have been representatives from at least four political parties who have approached their group.
Villanueva also disclosed that their group has received several feelers from aspiring candidates to seek their support come election time. He sai if they find a suitable candidate, they will not withhold their blessing. He, however, placed emphasis on the criteria for endorsing a candidate. Villanueva said for a candidate to be qualified, he would have to have the three Cs – competence, character, and courage. "It is utterly disgraceful to God that we claim to be the only Christian nation in Asia yet we are today tagged as the number one most corrupt country in the region. I don’t know why we are even silently taking all these perversions sitting down. This should have been a cause for national outrage long time ago. We must altogether rally behind national transformation now, if we are to see our beloved Philippines rise up from the ruins again," Villanueva said.
Bureau of Customs blamed for banned products
MANILA, Philippines—The Bureau of Customs (BOC) Sunday came under fire for the supposedly unregulated entry of Chinese food products into the country, amid a scare over milk products bought from China.
"These products should not have been allowed entry by the Bureau of Customs without import authority from the BFAD (Bureau of Food and Drugs)," Sen. Miriam Defensor-Santiago said on radio dzBB.
"The only job of the deputy commissioner and his customs investigation and intelligence service is confiscate all goods without the Philippine Certification of Safety Standard." That these products do not have English or Filipino translation of their Chinese labels showed the "incompetence" of the customs bureau, which approved their entry even without understanding the products' contents, Santiago said.
Corruption
Sen. Francis Pangilinan said the China milk scare, caused by fears that some of these products contain the industrial chemical melamine, should prompt the government to crack down on food smuggling.
"Potential harm is not confined to melamine-laced milk products but any unmonitored food product that enters the market," Pangilinan said in a statement.
Santiago said "the root of the problem is corruption in the BOC."
New agency
"All these products come in a van. You just pay P2,000 per van and they don't inspect its contents. We should have the head of the customs investigation and intel service and his men replaced," she said.
Sen. Pia S. Cayetano has called for the quick passage of Senate Bill No. 2645, which aims to reconstitute the BFAD into the Food, Drugs, Cosmetics and Devices Administration to beef up the country's "first line of defense" in consumer safety. The proposed agency, patterned after the US Food and Drugs Administration, will have complete testing laboratories in Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao and field offices in every region and major ports of entry. Cayetano said the bill would also address the problem of the BFAD's lack of manpower and funds.
"How can we expect only 195 field inspectors to effectively monitor and regulate all year round an industry with almost 46,000 establishments?" she asked. Gil C. Cabacungan Jr.-Philippine Daily Inquirer
"These products should not have been allowed entry by the Bureau of Customs without import authority from the BFAD (Bureau of Food and Drugs)," Sen. Miriam Defensor-Santiago said on radio dzBB.
"The only job of the deputy commissioner and his customs investigation and intelligence service is confiscate all goods without the Philippine Certification of Safety Standard." That these products do not have English or Filipino translation of their Chinese labels showed the "incompetence" of the customs bureau, which approved their entry even without understanding the products' contents, Santiago said.
Corruption
Sen. Francis Pangilinan said the China milk scare, caused by fears that some of these products contain the industrial chemical melamine, should prompt the government to crack down on food smuggling.
"Potential harm is not confined to melamine-laced milk products but any unmonitored food product that enters the market," Pangilinan said in a statement.
Santiago said "the root of the problem is corruption in the BOC."
New agency
"All these products come in a van. You just pay P2,000 per van and they don't inspect its contents. We should have the head of the customs investigation and intel service and his men replaced," she said.
Sen. Pia S. Cayetano has called for the quick passage of Senate Bill No. 2645, which aims to reconstitute the BFAD into the Food, Drugs, Cosmetics and Devices Administration to beef up the country's "first line of defense" in consumer safety. The proposed agency, patterned after the US Food and Drugs Administration, will have complete testing laboratories in Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao and field offices in every region and major ports of entry. Cayetano said the bill would also address the problem of the BFAD's lack of manpower and funds.
"How can we expect only 195 field inspectors to effectively monitor and regulate all year round an industry with almost 46,000 establishments?" she asked. Gil C. Cabacungan Jr.-Philippine Daily Inquirer
Friday, October 3, 2008
Ombudsman sacks 15 DPWH execs
Manila — The Office of the Ombudsman dismissed 15 officials of the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) after finding them liable for different anomalies.
Overall Deputy Ombudsman Orlando C. Casimiro ordered Public Works Secretary Hermogenes Ebdane Jr. to immediately implement the dismissal of the following officials:
Wilfredo B. Agustino, regional director; Rudy G. Canastillo, assistant regional director; Edward G. Canastillo, acting district office head; and Cecil C. Caligan, acting district office assistant head, all of the DPWH-Iloilo; Rolindo M. Perez, acting district engineer; Vicente E. Vargas, acting assistant district engineer; Dennis P. Geduspan, engineer III; Mayo R. Pelagio, engineer III; Bernardo P. Yparosa, accountant III; Jose M. Javier, Jr., property custodian; and Pio M. Gareza, Jr., supply officer, of DPWH-Negros Occidental; Miviluz R. Aviles, chief of the Systems and Procedures Division; and Leticia V. Osorio, chief of the Medical-Dental Division of DPWH-Manila; Geronima E. Muncada, cashier; and Azucena O. Viojan, supply officer, both of the DPWH-Samar; and Abdulmunib Muksan, depot-in-charge of DPWH-8 in Leyte.
Agustino, Caligan, and the Canastillos were dismissed for grave misconduct after they were found conspiring to give “unwarranted benefit, advantage or preference” to one Rogelio Yap, the contractor for the construction of the Bancal-Leon-Camandag Road in Leon, Iloilo.
The Ombudsman’s investigation showed they conspired to make it appear that P6,733,329.23 was used for the excavation phase of the project, when what was actually spent was only P38,610. But since Agustino has retired, Casimiro imposed on him the accessory penalties inherent to dismissal, including cancellation of eligibility, forfeiture of retirement benefits, disqualification for reinstatement or reemployment, and barring him from taking any civil service examination.
Perez, Vargas, Pelagio, Geduspan, Yparosa, Javier, and Gareza -- all of the 4th sub-engineering office of the DPWH in Bago City, Negros Occidental -- were dismissed for grave misconduct in connection with irregularities in two projects for the improvement of the Camingawan-Pandan Road in Pontevedra town.
A special audit of the project showed P8,128,768.37 had been paid for materials and labor that had not been delivered or accomplished. In addition, P2,968,268.33 for materials and labor utilized in the project was not included among the paid items.
Aviles and Osorio were dismissed for dishonesty and grave misconduct. When Aviles incurred a three-month absence from work without filing the necessary leave of absence or authority to travel abroad, Osorio issued a medical certificate to cover up and make it appear she was sick and rightfully on sick leave, although records showed she was actually in Hong Kong.
Muncada was ordered dismissed for incurring a shortage of P4,586,839.35 in her accounts, consisting of unliquidated cash advances and checks issued without disbursement vouchers. Investigation also showed she altered several checks and placed her name as payee to be presented to the bank.
Viojan was dismissed for gross neglect of duty and simple misconduct after she signed checks totaling P1,371,852.75 even if these were not duly supported by necessary documents. She was also found to have received payment for a P94,967.50 check even if this was not issued in her name. /Inquirer/Cebu Daily News
Overall Deputy Ombudsman Orlando C. Casimiro ordered Public Works Secretary Hermogenes Ebdane Jr. to immediately implement the dismissal of the following officials:
Wilfredo B. Agustino, regional director; Rudy G. Canastillo, assistant regional director; Edward G. Canastillo, acting district office head; and Cecil C. Caligan, acting district office assistant head, all of the DPWH-Iloilo; Rolindo M. Perez, acting district engineer; Vicente E. Vargas, acting assistant district engineer; Dennis P. Geduspan, engineer III; Mayo R. Pelagio, engineer III; Bernardo P. Yparosa, accountant III; Jose M. Javier, Jr., property custodian; and Pio M. Gareza, Jr., supply officer, of DPWH-Negros Occidental; Miviluz R. Aviles, chief of the Systems and Procedures Division; and Leticia V. Osorio, chief of the Medical-Dental Division of DPWH-Manila; Geronima E. Muncada, cashier; and Azucena O. Viojan, supply officer, both of the DPWH-Samar; and Abdulmunib Muksan, depot-in-charge of DPWH-8 in Leyte.
Agustino, Caligan, and the Canastillos were dismissed for grave misconduct after they were found conspiring to give “unwarranted benefit, advantage or preference” to one Rogelio Yap, the contractor for the construction of the Bancal-Leon-Camandag Road in Leon, Iloilo.
The Ombudsman’s investigation showed they conspired to make it appear that P6,733,329.23 was used for the excavation phase of the project, when what was actually spent was only P38,610. But since Agustino has retired, Casimiro imposed on him the accessory penalties inherent to dismissal, including cancellation of eligibility, forfeiture of retirement benefits, disqualification for reinstatement or reemployment, and barring him from taking any civil service examination.
Perez, Vargas, Pelagio, Geduspan, Yparosa, Javier, and Gareza -- all of the 4th sub-engineering office of the DPWH in Bago City, Negros Occidental -- were dismissed for grave misconduct in connection with irregularities in two projects for the improvement of the Camingawan-Pandan Road in Pontevedra town.
A special audit of the project showed P8,128,768.37 had been paid for materials and labor that had not been delivered or accomplished. In addition, P2,968,268.33 for materials and labor utilized in the project was not included among the paid items.
Aviles and Osorio were dismissed for dishonesty and grave misconduct. When Aviles incurred a three-month absence from work without filing the necessary leave of absence or authority to travel abroad, Osorio issued a medical certificate to cover up and make it appear she was sick and rightfully on sick leave, although records showed she was actually in Hong Kong.
Muncada was ordered dismissed for incurring a shortage of P4,586,839.35 in her accounts, consisting of unliquidated cash advances and checks issued without disbursement vouchers. Investigation also showed she altered several checks and placed her name as payee to be presented to the bank.
Viojan was dismissed for gross neglect of duty and simple misconduct after she signed checks totaling P1,371,852.75 even if these were not duly supported by necessary documents. She was also found to have received payment for a P94,967.50 check even if this was not issued in her name. /Inquirer/Cebu Daily News
Monday, September 29, 2008
Moral Symbols In Politics
By Randy David
Philippine Daily Inquirer
The rise of moral symbols in politics always provides a dramatic starting point for a society’s transformation. Figures like Mohandas Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandela, Fernando Lugo of Paraguay, Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma and Cory Aquino quickly come to mind. In an instant, they symbolize everything that their people aspire to be as a community. They trigger the recovery of national self-esteem and morale.
Most moral symbols find themselves reluctantly drawn into politics. Thus did Mandela make the overnight passage from prison to the presidency; Fernando Lugo, the transition from the priesthood to the presidency; and for our own Cory Aquino, the crossover from family affairs to state affairs.
Moral symbols are also usually spiritual leaders. They articulate a philosophy of life and a vision for society that goes beyond the politics of any given moment. Their presence in their society is both redemptive and educative. Their moral authority emanates from their bigger-than-life significance, and so when they are made to assume the more mundane roles of politics, the result is often a demystification that erodes the very basis of their authority.
The partnership between Gandhi and Nehru in India worked well because there was an implicit division of labor between these two great leaders. While Nehru, the astute politician, went to work to consolidate and build the nation, Gandhi stayed out of government, preferring the role of unifier. Although he was an organizer and leader of the Indian National Congress, Gandhi shunned government, believing that the only real basis for social order was self-rule, i.e., every person learning to govern himself.
Gandhi exerted a powerful influence on Indian politics. And he did so by exemplifying an exacting moral purity that no one could challenge. Yet, he understood the demands of politics enough to know when to continue arguing and when to accept defeat, when to fight and when to give in. He opposed the British partition of India and Pakistan from the start, but he bowed to the decision of his party to accept partition. He mediated in the rivalry between Nehru and Patel, his two disciples, always concerned to protect the strength and unity of the party. Such is the role of moral symbols. Their power stems from their precise disavowal of power.
Moral capital seems in such short supply in politics nowadays that there is a strong current to recruit moral figures from outside. This is perfectly understandable. But the outcomes can be risky and highly unpredictable.
Mandela remained an inspirational figure until he finished his term. Cory’s image suffered because of her government’s failure to unite the country and address the needs of the poor by pursuing a meaningful land reform program. In Paraguay, all eyes are on Fernando Lugo, the former Catholic bishop who gave up the priesthood in order to challenge the party of the elite that had ruled his country for more than 60 years. He won.
In the province of Pampanga, all eyes too are on Gov. Eddie “Among Ed” Panlilio, the parish priest who accepted suspension from his priestly duties in order to challenge the entrenched leadership of traditional politicians. In a stunning campaign run completely by non-party formations and individuals, he managed to win by a very slim margin. A recall campaign to remove him from the governorship has recently been launched by his political enemies. This campaign may be gaining ground in Pampanga, but in the rest of the country, the priest-turned-politician retains the image of a moral crusader bent on cleansing Filipino politics. Because I am a Kapampangan [native of Pampanga], I am often asked to explain what is happening in Pampanga. People want to know if there is any basis to the charge that Among Ed has not been able to do very much as governor. They ask if it is true that his original supporters have either turned against him or left him.
This is how I see the situation in the province. Governance in Pampanga is unfortunately caught in a political stalemate. The party-less governor has been unable to get any support for his programs from the other elected officials of the province. The latter are now more disposed to fight the governor openly because his own forces appear disillusioned and divided. It is certainly not easy to govern when you are coming to government all by your self, as in Among Ed’s case. The situation compels you to reach out to the other officials to seek areas of agreement. The last thing you need under the circumstances is to deploy moral righteousness as a strategy for securing cooperation. Among Ed does not see it this way, and that is the problem.
The Panlilio campaign for the governorship was launched wholly on the basis of a good versus evil contrast. This may be effective as a campaign strategy, but not as a guide to governance. The code of politics does not revolve around the good-evil axis but around the distinction between majority and minority. Thus the key to political success is building a strong constituency around a program of government.
Among Ed rose to the governorship of Pampanga almost entirely on the basis of an urgent yearning for change. It was an extraordinary time, and he had no preparation for politics. He still insists he is a priest in politics. Wrong. He gave up the priesthood to enter politics. With the little time left, he must now map out the road to change, unify his forces, reach out to his opponents, and ask his fellow Kapampangans to join hands in realizing the promise of new politics.
Philippine Daily Inquirer
The rise of moral symbols in politics always provides a dramatic starting point for a society’s transformation. Figures like Mohandas Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandela, Fernando Lugo of Paraguay, Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma and Cory Aquino quickly come to mind. In an instant, they symbolize everything that their people aspire to be as a community. They trigger the recovery of national self-esteem and morale.
Most moral symbols find themselves reluctantly drawn into politics. Thus did Mandela make the overnight passage from prison to the presidency; Fernando Lugo, the transition from the priesthood to the presidency; and for our own Cory Aquino, the crossover from family affairs to state affairs.
Moral symbols are also usually spiritual leaders. They articulate a philosophy of life and a vision for society that goes beyond the politics of any given moment. Their presence in their society is both redemptive and educative. Their moral authority emanates from their bigger-than-life significance, and so when they are made to assume the more mundane roles of politics, the result is often a demystification that erodes the very basis of their authority.
The partnership between Gandhi and Nehru in India worked well because there was an implicit division of labor between these two great leaders. While Nehru, the astute politician, went to work to consolidate and build the nation, Gandhi stayed out of government, preferring the role of unifier. Although he was an organizer and leader of the Indian National Congress, Gandhi shunned government, believing that the only real basis for social order was self-rule, i.e., every person learning to govern himself.
Gandhi exerted a powerful influence on Indian politics. And he did so by exemplifying an exacting moral purity that no one could challenge. Yet, he understood the demands of politics enough to know when to continue arguing and when to accept defeat, when to fight and when to give in. He opposed the British partition of India and Pakistan from the start, but he bowed to the decision of his party to accept partition. He mediated in the rivalry between Nehru and Patel, his two disciples, always concerned to protect the strength and unity of the party. Such is the role of moral symbols. Their power stems from their precise disavowal of power.
Moral capital seems in such short supply in politics nowadays that there is a strong current to recruit moral figures from outside. This is perfectly understandable. But the outcomes can be risky and highly unpredictable.
Mandela remained an inspirational figure until he finished his term. Cory’s image suffered because of her government’s failure to unite the country and address the needs of the poor by pursuing a meaningful land reform program. In Paraguay, all eyes are on Fernando Lugo, the former Catholic bishop who gave up the priesthood in order to challenge the party of the elite that had ruled his country for more than 60 years. He won.
In the province of Pampanga, all eyes too are on Gov. Eddie “Among Ed” Panlilio, the parish priest who accepted suspension from his priestly duties in order to challenge the entrenched leadership of traditional politicians. In a stunning campaign run completely by non-party formations and individuals, he managed to win by a very slim margin. A recall campaign to remove him from the governorship has recently been launched by his political enemies. This campaign may be gaining ground in Pampanga, but in the rest of the country, the priest-turned-politician retains the image of a moral crusader bent on cleansing Filipino politics. Because I am a Kapampangan [native of Pampanga], I am often asked to explain what is happening in Pampanga. People want to know if there is any basis to the charge that Among Ed has not been able to do very much as governor. They ask if it is true that his original supporters have either turned against him or left him.
This is how I see the situation in the province. Governance in Pampanga is unfortunately caught in a political stalemate. The party-less governor has been unable to get any support for his programs from the other elected officials of the province. The latter are now more disposed to fight the governor openly because his own forces appear disillusioned and divided. It is certainly not easy to govern when you are coming to government all by your self, as in Among Ed’s case. The situation compels you to reach out to the other officials to seek areas of agreement. The last thing you need under the circumstances is to deploy moral righteousness as a strategy for securing cooperation. Among Ed does not see it this way, and that is the problem.
The Panlilio campaign for the governorship was launched wholly on the basis of a good versus evil contrast. This may be effective as a campaign strategy, but not as a guide to governance. The code of politics does not revolve around the good-evil axis but around the distinction between majority and minority. Thus the key to political success is building a strong constituency around a program of government.
Among Ed rose to the governorship of Pampanga almost entirely on the basis of an urgent yearning for change. It was an extraordinary time, and he had no preparation for politics. He still insists he is a priest in politics. Wrong. He gave up the priesthood to enter politics. With the little time left, he must now map out the road to change, unify his forces, reach out to his opponents, and ask his fellow Kapampangans to join hands in realizing the promise of new politics.
COA: P444-M DA funds diverted to 16 private groups!
By Jess Diaz Monday, September 22, 2008
At least P444 million in taxpayers’ money released to the Department of Agriculture (DA) in 2007 was diverted to 16 private foundations, many of which could not be located and therefore could not account for the money. The amount is part of more than P600 million in agriculture-related funds given by DA Secretary Arthur Yap to local government units and so-called "people’s organizations” like foundations.
Of the P600 million, some P235 million was released “prior to the May 2007 (congressional-local) elections,” according to the one-inch-thick consolidated annual audit report of the Commission on Audit (COA) on DA funds, a copy of which The STAR has obtained. The COA said a big part of the money that went to private foundations came from the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) of members of the House of Representatives. The lawmakers’ funds were released to Yap’s agency because they were to be used for its projects, principally the GMA (Ginintuang Masaganang Ani) rice production enhancement program.
Auditors named the biggest recipient-organization as Antipolo Philanthropy Foundation, Inc. (APFI) and its chairman as a certain Johnny Tan. It received a total of P146 million in 2007 and an additional P30 million this year.
A COA team did not find the foundation’s office in the Antipolo City address it listed in documents submitted to the DA. Instead, they found a school occupying the place. On Dec. 27, 2007, the DA released to the Antipolo foundation P16 million “even without the benefit of a MOA (memorandum of agreement)… to the disadvantage of the government,” auditors reported.
They said of the P16 million, P4 million “was from the PDAF of the 2nd district of Antipolo City,” while P12 million was from the GMA program. The second district was represented by former Antipolo mayor Angelito Gatlabayan, a neophyte congressman.
The DA-RFU (Regional Field Unit) IV did not monitor the fund transfers to APFI, resulting in the accumulation of unliquidated cash advances in the amount of P146,600,000. Despite non-liquidation of previous fund transfers, the DA-RFU IV released the amount of P30 million (to APFI) in February 2008,” they added.
The other private groups that received funds from Yap’s office were National Organization for Agricultural Enhancement and Productivity, Inc., which got P44 million; Commoners Foundation, Inc., P9.1 million; Las Marias Foundation, Inc., P34 million; Coprahan and Gulayan Foundation, Inc., P31 million; Gabay Masa Development Foundation, P5 million; Samahan ng Manininda ng Prutas at Gulay sa Gabi, Inc., P20 million; and Aaron Foundation, Inc. (no amount indicated).
The COA said these foundations, together with APFI, which were supposed to implement agriculture-related projects worth P289.8 million, “were of questionable legitimacy.” "SEC (Securities and Exchange Commission) confirmation negative,” auditors reported when they checked the registration papers of Commoners Foundation and Las Marias Foundation. They could not locate the other fund recipients.
Other private organizations that received funds from DA were Unlad Quezon Foundation, P10 million; Mula sa Puso Foundation (amount not indicated); Bantayog Kalinga Foundation, P5 million; Kamama Foundation, P30 million; Encima Lhea Care Foundation, P2.1 million, JR and JP Enterprises, P13.6 million; Kapuso at Kapamilya Foundation, P13 million; and Buhay Ko, Mahal Ko Foundation, P10 million.
Auditors questioned the use of the last two foundations, which they said were located in Metro Manila. “Since the beneficiaries are Bohol constituents, there is no acceptable reason for the transfer of funds from RFU VII (Central Visayas) to Nabcor (National Agribusiness Corp., a DA agency) and finally to NGOs located in Metro Manila,” they said.
Unlad Quezon Foundation was supposed to implement “Sagip Hanapbuhay,” a project of Quezon Rep. Danilo Suarez in Tiaong town. However, auditors reported that most of the alleged beneficiaries did not receive funds.
In the case of JR and JP Enterprises, Kamama Foundation, Encima Lhea Care Foundation and Samahan ng mga Manininda ng Prutas sa Gabi, RFU VII gave them P55.7 million to buy vegetable seeds, planting materials, organic fertilizer, and irrigation pumps.
Auditors discovered the purchases were overpriced by P28.2 million. The 2007 irregularities were a repeat of the anomalies COA uncovered in 2004 in the use of P728 million in fertilizer funds the DA released to more than 100 congressmen-allies of President Arroyo and more than 50 pro-administration governors and mayors.
Several of the foundations involved in last year’s alleged fund diversion were used four years ago by many politicians to skim tens of million of pesos from the fertilizer funds that they received.
The COA report showed that last year’s fund misuse is not confined to the program called GMA, which, ironically are President Arroyo’s initials.
Irregularities were found in almost all DA projects, including farm-to-market roads, irrigation canals and pumps, corn production, seed and fertilizer procurement, and post-harvest facilities.
Where’s the money COA, meanwhile, is questioning the National Power Corp. (Napocor) why the P250 million revenues it had collected have not been remitted to the Department of Energy.
COA said the failure of Napocor to remit the funds, which should have earned interest, is a violation of the Electric Power Industry Reform Act (EPIRA).
State auditors said they have been reminding these agencies of their obligations since 2004.
“Up to now the NPC does not render a full accounting of the funds,” the COA stated. The COA reported that the funds worth more than P117 million that had been validated were spent for projects. Auditors explained that at the DOE, the funds that are not yet due for release to the project beneficiaries, are invested in high yield treasury bills to earn interest income.
The COA report also stressed the DOE should have demanded from Napocor a full accounting of its administered funds.
"The DOE shall demand from the NPC the immediate turnover of the fund balances to the DOE upon complete validation pursuant to... the EPIRA Law,” COA said. – With Reinir Padua
At least P444 million in taxpayers’ money released to the Department of Agriculture (DA) in 2007 was diverted to 16 private foundations, many of which could not be located and therefore could not account for the money. The amount is part of more than P600 million in agriculture-related funds given by DA Secretary Arthur Yap to local government units and so-called "people’s organizations” like foundations.
Of the P600 million, some P235 million was released “prior to the May 2007 (congressional-local) elections,” according to the one-inch-thick consolidated annual audit report of the Commission on Audit (COA) on DA funds, a copy of which The STAR has obtained. The COA said a big part of the money that went to private foundations came from the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) of members of the House of Representatives. The lawmakers’ funds were released to Yap’s agency because they were to be used for its projects, principally the GMA (Ginintuang Masaganang Ani) rice production enhancement program.
Auditors named the biggest recipient-organization as Antipolo Philanthropy Foundation, Inc. (APFI) and its chairman as a certain Johnny Tan. It received a total of P146 million in 2007 and an additional P30 million this year.
A COA team did not find the foundation’s office in the Antipolo City address it listed in documents submitted to the DA. Instead, they found a school occupying the place. On Dec. 27, 2007, the DA released to the Antipolo foundation P16 million “even without the benefit of a MOA (memorandum of agreement)… to the disadvantage of the government,” auditors reported.
They said of the P16 million, P4 million “was from the PDAF of the 2nd district of Antipolo City,” while P12 million was from the GMA program. The second district was represented by former Antipolo mayor Angelito Gatlabayan, a neophyte congressman.
The DA-RFU (Regional Field Unit) IV did not monitor the fund transfers to APFI, resulting in the accumulation of unliquidated cash advances in the amount of P146,600,000. Despite non-liquidation of previous fund transfers, the DA-RFU IV released the amount of P30 million (to APFI) in February 2008,” they added.
The other private groups that received funds from Yap’s office were National Organization for Agricultural Enhancement and Productivity, Inc., which got P44 million; Commoners Foundation, Inc., P9.1 million; Las Marias Foundation, Inc., P34 million; Coprahan and Gulayan Foundation, Inc., P31 million; Gabay Masa Development Foundation, P5 million; Samahan ng Manininda ng Prutas at Gulay sa Gabi, Inc., P20 million; and Aaron Foundation, Inc. (no amount indicated).
The COA said these foundations, together with APFI, which were supposed to implement agriculture-related projects worth P289.8 million, “were of questionable legitimacy.” "SEC (Securities and Exchange Commission) confirmation negative,” auditors reported when they checked the registration papers of Commoners Foundation and Las Marias Foundation. They could not locate the other fund recipients.
Other private organizations that received funds from DA were Unlad Quezon Foundation, P10 million; Mula sa Puso Foundation (amount not indicated); Bantayog Kalinga Foundation, P5 million; Kamama Foundation, P30 million; Encima Lhea Care Foundation, P2.1 million, JR and JP Enterprises, P13.6 million; Kapuso at Kapamilya Foundation, P13 million; and Buhay Ko, Mahal Ko Foundation, P10 million.
Auditors questioned the use of the last two foundations, which they said were located in Metro Manila. “Since the beneficiaries are Bohol constituents, there is no acceptable reason for the transfer of funds from RFU VII (Central Visayas) to Nabcor (National Agribusiness Corp., a DA agency) and finally to NGOs located in Metro Manila,” they said.
Unlad Quezon Foundation was supposed to implement “Sagip Hanapbuhay,” a project of Quezon Rep. Danilo Suarez in Tiaong town. However, auditors reported that most of the alleged beneficiaries did not receive funds.
In the case of JR and JP Enterprises, Kamama Foundation, Encima Lhea Care Foundation and Samahan ng mga Manininda ng Prutas sa Gabi, RFU VII gave them P55.7 million to buy vegetable seeds, planting materials, organic fertilizer, and irrigation pumps.
Auditors discovered the purchases were overpriced by P28.2 million. The 2007 irregularities were a repeat of the anomalies COA uncovered in 2004 in the use of P728 million in fertilizer funds the DA released to more than 100 congressmen-allies of President Arroyo and more than 50 pro-administration governors and mayors.
Several of the foundations involved in last year’s alleged fund diversion were used four years ago by many politicians to skim tens of million of pesos from the fertilizer funds that they received.
The COA report showed that last year’s fund misuse is not confined to the program called GMA, which, ironically are President Arroyo’s initials.
Irregularities were found in almost all DA projects, including farm-to-market roads, irrigation canals and pumps, corn production, seed and fertilizer procurement, and post-harvest facilities.
Where’s the money COA, meanwhile, is questioning the National Power Corp. (Napocor) why the P250 million revenues it had collected have not been remitted to the Department of Energy.
COA said the failure of Napocor to remit the funds, which should have earned interest, is a violation of the Electric Power Industry Reform Act (EPIRA).
State auditors said they have been reminding these agencies of their obligations since 2004.
“Up to now the NPC does not render a full accounting of the funds,” the COA stated. The COA reported that the funds worth more than P117 million that had been validated were spent for projects. Auditors explained that at the DOE, the funds that are not yet due for release to the project beneficiaries, are invested in high yield treasury bills to earn interest income.
The COA report also stressed the DOE should have demanded from Napocor a full accounting of its administered funds.
"The DOE shall demand from the NPC the immediate turnover of the fund balances to the DOE upon complete validation pursuant to... the EPIRA Law,” COA said. – With Reinir Padua
Corruption and our National Library
It’s been more than 40 years now that past Philippine presidents, senators, congressmen, governors, mayors, have been in Malacanan and other government offices, yet Filipinos are still poor, not respected (specially overseas – just check how immigration officers in Hong Kong and China are treating ordinary Filipinas either working or just getting a tour on the small territory. You can hear sarcastic remarks or just simply raising their (immigration officers) eyebrows from these officers as if me nakakahawang sakit na nakadikit sa kanilang mga pasaporte dahil me marking “Pilipinas” ang mga ito. Pati pasaporte natin, hindi na rin nirerespeto ng mga dayuhan. Kawawa talaga ang ating mga kababayan na lumalabas sa ating bansa. Hindi lang sa Hong Kong o China ito nangyayari. Pati na rin sa iba pang bansa na basang-basa na ang imahen ng Pilipino dahil sa corruption, mga krimen, at instability ng ating bayan. Dito sa Hong Kong, yung lola, anak ng lola, at ang kanyang apo ay tatlong henerasyon na ng mga katulong! Para bang wala na talagang pag-asang makaahon sa hirap an gating mga kababayan. Para bang ito na ang talagang future ng mga Pilipino, mga trabahador ng ibang bayan!
Last month, I got a chance to go around Metro Manila to donate my new book, Mga Bagong Bayani sa iba’t-ibang schools, colleges, universities, public libraries including the National Library in Manila. To my disbelief, I discovered the sorry state of our national library, the economic frustrations of its staff as well as the dilapidated facilities from its cranking 40-year old elevator (only one in the whole building at me oras lang ang pag-operate) to old books and shelves na naiwanan na ng panahon. Some rooms are too dark to visit kasi walang ilaw o kung meron man madilim pa rin. Nakita ko rin ang lungkot na nababahid sa mukha n gating mga librarians dahil professionally, they have been serving the government for more than 20 or 30 years, and yet sobrang pobre pa rin ang kanilang buhay. “Magkano lang naman kasi ang kinikita naming buwan-buwan as public librarians,” sabi ng isa sa mga nakausap ko. Samantalang sa baba ng building, dumaan si mayor na naka-Pajero.
Sa lobby ng building, me nakausap din akong isang prvate school teacher na galling pa sa probinsiya at dumaan lang sa national library. “Hay naku,” sabi pa niya. “Mas maganda pa ang aming library sa probinsiya kaysa rito!” Mukhang totoo ang sinabi ng teacher na ito dahil ng bumisita rin ako sa amng probinsiya sa Bicol para mamigay ng free copies ng aking libro sa mga schools doon, I found out na walang hamak pwedeng ikumpara ang library ng dati kong school sa Bicol kaysa sa ating national library. Samantalang an marami sa ating mga senador, congressmen, governors, mayors at iba pang opisyal ng gobyerno ay naka expedition at iba pang luxury cars na kung minsan ay dalawa-dalawa pa o tatlo! Magkano lang naman ang suweldo ng presidente o mga matataas na opisyal ng ating bansa? P50,000 lang a month on the average! Kung government cars nga ang mga ito, bakit walang nakalagay na “For Official Use Only” sa side body nito?
From there, I finally realized the extent of corruption that has been going on in our country. For more than 40 years, our country has been plagued by this cancer and made a personal commitment and determination to not only minimize but eradicate corruption and give back to the Filipinos the dignity and sanctity of their career, their worth, and their self-respect by combatting this cancer from the top down.
Last month, I got a chance to go around Metro Manila to donate my new book, Mga Bagong Bayani sa iba’t-ibang schools, colleges, universities, public libraries including the National Library in Manila. To my disbelief, I discovered the sorry state of our national library, the economic frustrations of its staff as well as the dilapidated facilities from its cranking 40-year old elevator (only one in the whole building at me oras lang ang pag-operate) to old books and shelves na naiwanan na ng panahon. Some rooms are too dark to visit kasi walang ilaw o kung meron man madilim pa rin. Nakita ko rin ang lungkot na nababahid sa mukha n gating mga librarians dahil professionally, they have been serving the government for more than 20 or 30 years, and yet sobrang pobre pa rin ang kanilang buhay. “Magkano lang naman kasi ang kinikita naming buwan-buwan as public librarians,” sabi ng isa sa mga nakausap ko. Samantalang sa baba ng building, dumaan si mayor na naka-Pajero.
Sa lobby ng building, me nakausap din akong isang prvate school teacher na galling pa sa probinsiya at dumaan lang sa national library. “Hay naku,” sabi pa niya. “Mas maganda pa ang aming library sa probinsiya kaysa rito!” Mukhang totoo ang sinabi ng teacher na ito dahil ng bumisita rin ako sa amng probinsiya sa Bicol para mamigay ng free copies ng aking libro sa mga schools doon, I found out na walang hamak pwedeng ikumpara ang library ng dati kong school sa Bicol kaysa sa ating national library. Samantalang an marami sa ating mga senador, congressmen, governors, mayors at iba pang opisyal ng gobyerno ay naka expedition at iba pang luxury cars na kung minsan ay dalawa-dalawa pa o tatlo! Magkano lang naman ang suweldo ng presidente o mga matataas na opisyal ng ating bansa? P50,000 lang a month on the average! Kung government cars nga ang mga ito, bakit walang nakalagay na “For Official Use Only” sa side body nito?
From there, I finally realized the extent of corruption that has been going on in our country. For more than 40 years, our country has been plagued by this cancer and made a personal commitment and determination to not only minimize but eradicate corruption and give back to the Filipinos the dignity and sanctity of their career, their worth, and their self-respect by combatting this cancer from the top down.
Santiago bares P11.5-B 'secret pork barrel' in 2008 budget
By Maila AgerINQUIRER.net
MANILA, Philippines -- Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago has uncovered a “secret pork barrel” in the 2008 budget amounting to P11.5 billion from one department alone, which she alleged could be used by legislators in the 2010 elections.
Santiago said the amount, “secretly inserted” in this year’s budget of the Department of Public Works and Highways, was “unusually large” as it represented 12 percent of the estimated P95 billion budget of the Department of Public Works and Highways.
“That amount is unusually large. Normally, insertions are smaller in percentage than 12 percent. That’s my first point. Why so big?” she told reporters before the session on Tuesday.
“Second, these projects have very low economic return that is to say, they don’t really benefit everybody in the community or significantly contribute to the war against poverty or against hunger,” she said.
The most glaring low-priority, Santiago said, was the construction of so-called multipurpose buildings amounting to a total of P131.1 million.
The senator also noted that certain projects initiated by congressmen and senators like public markets should have been done better by local governments or government-owned corporations.
“There is even a lump-sum appropriation of P165 million for other buildings. These are projects that have not even been identified yet. Since it is a lump sum, it is most likely subject to abuse,’ she said in a separate statement.
Santiago suspects that this secret pork barrel will only be used by legislators for the 2010 polls.
“The life of an appropriation is two years. In 2009, President [Gloria Macapagal] Arroyo may release these P11.5 billion insertions. By 2010, each project may continue to be implemented,” she said.
“Hence, I strongly suspect that most of these secret projects are going to be used by incumbent legislators for the 2010 elections,” she pointed out.
MANILA, Philippines -- Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago has uncovered a “secret pork barrel” in the 2008 budget amounting to P11.5 billion from one department alone, which she alleged could be used by legislators in the 2010 elections.
Santiago said the amount, “secretly inserted” in this year’s budget of the Department of Public Works and Highways, was “unusually large” as it represented 12 percent of the estimated P95 billion budget of the Department of Public Works and Highways.
“That amount is unusually large. Normally, insertions are smaller in percentage than 12 percent. That’s my first point. Why so big?” she told reporters before the session on Tuesday.
“Second, these projects have very low economic return that is to say, they don’t really benefit everybody in the community or significantly contribute to the war against poverty or against hunger,” she said.
The most glaring low-priority, Santiago said, was the construction of so-called multipurpose buildings amounting to a total of P131.1 million.
The senator also noted that certain projects initiated by congressmen and senators like public markets should have been done better by local governments or government-owned corporations.
“There is even a lump-sum appropriation of P165 million for other buildings. These are projects that have not even been identified yet. Since it is a lump sum, it is most likely subject to abuse,’ she said in a separate statement.
Santiago suspects that this secret pork barrel will only be used by legislators for the 2010 polls.
“The life of an appropriation is two years. In 2009, President [Gloria Macapagal] Arroyo may release these P11.5 billion insertions. By 2010, each project may continue to be implemented,” she said.
“Hence, I strongly suspect that most of these secret projects are going to be used by incumbent legislators for the 2010 elections,” she pointed out.
Philippine among most corrupt countries - watchdog
Stamping out graft can save lives
By Thea Alberto, INQUIRER.net, Agence France-Presse
MANILA, Philippines -- The Philippines has been listed as being among the most corrupt countries in the world, according to the anti-corruption watchdog Transparency International (TI).
In its latest Corruption Perceptions Index, with zero being the most corrupt and 10 as being the cleanest, the Philippines had a score of 2.3, and was ranked 141st out of 180 countries surveyed. The poll was based on perceptions of business people and country analysts, the watchdog said. Somalia, the east African nation without a functioning government since 1991, is considered the most corrupt country with an index score of 1.0, followed by Myanmar (1.3); Iraq (1.3); Haiti (1.4); and Afghanistan (1.5).
Meanwhile, Denmark, Sweden, and New Zealand had a score of 9.3, followed by Singapore with 9.2. The score is based on perceptions of the degree of corruption as seen by business people and country analysts. TI said stopping practices such as cronyism and embezzlement can save lives in poor countries. "In the poorest countries, corruption levels can mean the difference between life and death, when money for hospitals or clean water is in play," TI said.
"The continuing high levels of corruption and poverty plaguing many of the world's societies amount to an ongoing humanitarian disaster and cannot be tolerated," the non-governmental organization's head Huguette Labelle said.
Rampant corruption in low-income countries also jeopardizes the global fight against poverty and threatens to derail the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the report published in Berlin said. This "calls for a more focused and coordinated approach by the global donor community to ensure development assistance is designed to strengthen institutions of governance and oversight in recipient countries, and that aid flows themselves are fortified against abuse and graft," TI said.
It estimates that unchecked levels of corruption would add $50 billion -- or nearly half of annual global aid outlays -- to the cost of achieving the MDGs on water and sanitation. The African Union has estimated that corruption costs the continent $148 billion annually, equal to the gross domestic product of Kenya, Tanzania and Cameroon combined, TI said. TI was also critical of some wealthy nations that registered significant drops in the global rankings, such as Britain, whose score fell to 7.7 points from 8.4 in 2007, and Norway, which dropped to 7.9 points from 8.7. Britain fell to 16th in the rankings from 12th in 2007, and Norway slipped to 14th from ninth.
The continuing emergence of foreign bribery scandals indicates a broader failure by the world's wealthiest countries to live up to the promise of mutual accountability in the fight against corruption, TI said. "This sort of double standard is unacceptable and disregards international legal standards," said Labelle.
"Beyond its corrosive effects on the rule of law and public confidence, this lack of resolution undermines the credibility of the wealthiest nations in calling for greater action to fight corruption by low-income countries."
Substantial improvements in the rankings were recorded for Albania, Cyprus, Georgia, Mauritius, Nigeria, Oman, Qatar, South Korea, Tonga and Turkey. The United States saw its score inch up to 7.3 points from 7.2 points in 2007, putting it at joint 18th place with Japan, whose score fell from 7.5 a year ago. China was on 3.6 points at 72nd, up from 3.5 points and just ahead of India, whose score dropped to 3.4 from 3.5 to put it in 85th position. Russia, in 147th place, also saw its score fall, from 2.3 points to 2.1 points. Germany's rose to 7.9 to 7.8, putting it in 14th position, while France's dropped to 6.9 from 7.3, making it 23rd.
By Thea Alberto, INQUIRER.net, Agence France-Presse
MANILA, Philippines -- The Philippines has been listed as being among the most corrupt countries in the world, according to the anti-corruption watchdog Transparency International (TI).
In its latest Corruption Perceptions Index, with zero being the most corrupt and 10 as being the cleanest, the Philippines had a score of 2.3, and was ranked 141st out of 180 countries surveyed. The poll was based on perceptions of business people and country analysts, the watchdog said. Somalia, the east African nation without a functioning government since 1991, is considered the most corrupt country with an index score of 1.0, followed by Myanmar (1.3); Iraq (1.3); Haiti (1.4); and Afghanistan (1.5).
Meanwhile, Denmark, Sweden, and New Zealand had a score of 9.3, followed by Singapore with 9.2. The score is based on perceptions of the degree of corruption as seen by business people and country analysts. TI said stopping practices such as cronyism and embezzlement can save lives in poor countries. "In the poorest countries, corruption levels can mean the difference between life and death, when money for hospitals or clean water is in play," TI said.
"The continuing high levels of corruption and poverty plaguing many of the world's societies amount to an ongoing humanitarian disaster and cannot be tolerated," the non-governmental organization's head Huguette Labelle said.
Rampant corruption in low-income countries also jeopardizes the global fight against poverty and threatens to derail the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the report published in Berlin said. This "calls for a more focused and coordinated approach by the global donor community to ensure development assistance is designed to strengthen institutions of governance and oversight in recipient countries, and that aid flows themselves are fortified against abuse and graft," TI said.
It estimates that unchecked levels of corruption would add $50 billion -- or nearly half of annual global aid outlays -- to the cost of achieving the MDGs on water and sanitation. The African Union has estimated that corruption costs the continent $148 billion annually, equal to the gross domestic product of Kenya, Tanzania and Cameroon combined, TI said. TI was also critical of some wealthy nations that registered significant drops in the global rankings, such as Britain, whose score fell to 7.7 points from 8.4 in 2007, and Norway, which dropped to 7.9 points from 8.7. Britain fell to 16th in the rankings from 12th in 2007, and Norway slipped to 14th from ninth.
The continuing emergence of foreign bribery scandals indicates a broader failure by the world's wealthiest countries to live up to the promise of mutual accountability in the fight against corruption, TI said. "This sort of double standard is unacceptable and disregards international legal standards," said Labelle.
"Beyond its corrosive effects on the rule of law and public confidence, this lack of resolution undermines the credibility of the wealthiest nations in calling for greater action to fight corruption by low-income countries."
Substantial improvements in the rankings were recorded for Albania, Cyprus, Georgia, Mauritius, Nigeria, Oman, Qatar, South Korea, Tonga and Turkey. The United States saw its score inch up to 7.3 points from 7.2 points in 2007, putting it at joint 18th place with Japan, whose score fell from 7.5 a year ago. China was on 3.6 points at 72nd, up from 3.5 points and just ahead of India, whose score dropped to 3.4 from 3.5 to put it in 85th position. Russia, in 147th place, also saw its score fall, from 2.3 points to 2.1 points. Germany's rose to 7.9 to 7.8, putting it in 14th position, while France's dropped to 6.9 from 7.3, making it 23rd.
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