Manila — The Office of the Ombudsman dismissed 15 officials of the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) after finding them liable for different anomalies.
Overall Deputy Ombudsman Orlando C. Casimiro ordered Public Works Secretary Hermogenes Ebdane Jr. to immediately implement the dismissal of the following officials:
Wilfredo B. Agustino, regional director; Rudy G. Canastillo, assistant regional director; Edward G. Canastillo, acting district office head; and Cecil C. Caligan, acting district office assistant head, all of the DPWH-Iloilo; Rolindo M. Perez, acting district engineer; Vicente E. Vargas, acting assistant district engineer; Dennis P. Geduspan, engineer III; Mayo R. Pelagio, engineer III; Bernardo P. Yparosa, accountant III; Jose M. Javier, Jr., property custodian; and Pio M. Gareza, Jr., supply officer, of DPWH-Negros Occidental; Miviluz R. Aviles, chief of the Systems and Procedures Division; and Leticia V. Osorio, chief of the Medical-Dental Division of DPWH-Manila; Geronima E. Muncada, cashier; and Azucena O. Viojan, supply officer, both of the DPWH-Samar; and Abdulmunib Muksan, depot-in-charge of DPWH-8 in Leyte.
Agustino, Caligan, and the Canastillos were dismissed for grave misconduct after they were found conspiring to give “unwarranted benefit, advantage or preference” to one Rogelio Yap, the contractor for the construction of the Bancal-Leon-Camandag Road in Leon, Iloilo.
The Ombudsman’s investigation showed they conspired to make it appear that P6,733,329.23 was used for the excavation phase of the project, when what was actually spent was only P38,610. But since Agustino has retired, Casimiro imposed on him the accessory penalties inherent to dismissal, including cancellation of eligibility, forfeiture of retirement benefits, disqualification for reinstatement or reemployment, and barring him from taking any civil service examination.
Perez, Vargas, Pelagio, Geduspan, Yparosa, Javier, and Gareza -- all of the 4th sub-engineering office of the DPWH in Bago City, Negros Occidental -- were dismissed for grave misconduct in connection with irregularities in two projects for the improvement of the Camingawan-Pandan Road in Pontevedra town.
A special audit of the project showed P8,128,768.37 had been paid for materials and labor that had not been delivered or accomplished. In addition, P2,968,268.33 for materials and labor utilized in the project was not included among the paid items.
Aviles and Osorio were dismissed for dishonesty and grave misconduct. When Aviles incurred a three-month absence from work without filing the necessary leave of absence or authority to travel abroad, Osorio issued a medical certificate to cover up and make it appear she was sick and rightfully on sick leave, although records showed she was actually in Hong Kong.
Muncada was ordered dismissed for incurring a shortage of P4,586,839.35 in her accounts, consisting of unliquidated cash advances and checks issued without disbursement vouchers. Investigation also showed she altered several checks and placed her name as payee to be presented to the bank.
Viojan was dismissed for gross neglect of duty and simple misconduct after she signed checks totaling P1,371,852.75 even if these were not duly supported by necessary documents. She was also found to have received payment for a P94,967.50 check even if this was not issued in her name. /Inquirer/Cebu Daily News
Friday, October 3, 2008
Monday, September 29, 2008
Moral Symbols In Politics
By Randy David
Philippine Daily Inquirer
The rise of moral symbols in politics always provides a dramatic starting point for a society’s transformation. Figures like Mohandas Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandela, Fernando Lugo of Paraguay, Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma and Cory Aquino quickly come to mind. In an instant, they symbolize everything that their people aspire to be as a community. They trigger the recovery of national self-esteem and morale.
Most moral symbols find themselves reluctantly drawn into politics. Thus did Mandela make the overnight passage from prison to the presidency; Fernando Lugo, the transition from the priesthood to the presidency; and for our own Cory Aquino, the crossover from family affairs to state affairs.
Moral symbols are also usually spiritual leaders. They articulate a philosophy of life and a vision for society that goes beyond the politics of any given moment. Their presence in their society is both redemptive and educative. Their moral authority emanates from their bigger-than-life significance, and so when they are made to assume the more mundane roles of politics, the result is often a demystification that erodes the very basis of their authority.
The partnership between Gandhi and Nehru in India worked well because there was an implicit division of labor between these two great leaders. While Nehru, the astute politician, went to work to consolidate and build the nation, Gandhi stayed out of government, preferring the role of unifier. Although he was an organizer and leader of the Indian National Congress, Gandhi shunned government, believing that the only real basis for social order was self-rule, i.e., every person learning to govern himself.
Gandhi exerted a powerful influence on Indian politics. And he did so by exemplifying an exacting moral purity that no one could challenge. Yet, he understood the demands of politics enough to know when to continue arguing and when to accept defeat, when to fight and when to give in. He opposed the British partition of India and Pakistan from the start, but he bowed to the decision of his party to accept partition. He mediated in the rivalry between Nehru and Patel, his two disciples, always concerned to protect the strength and unity of the party. Such is the role of moral symbols. Their power stems from their precise disavowal of power.
Moral capital seems in such short supply in politics nowadays that there is a strong current to recruit moral figures from outside. This is perfectly understandable. But the outcomes can be risky and highly unpredictable.
Mandela remained an inspirational figure until he finished his term. Cory’s image suffered because of her government’s failure to unite the country and address the needs of the poor by pursuing a meaningful land reform program. In Paraguay, all eyes are on Fernando Lugo, the former Catholic bishop who gave up the priesthood in order to challenge the party of the elite that had ruled his country for more than 60 years. He won.
In the province of Pampanga, all eyes too are on Gov. Eddie “Among Ed” Panlilio, the parish priest who accepted suspension from his priestly duties in order to challenge the entrenched leadership of traditional politicians. In a stunning campaign run completely by non-party formations and individuals, he managed to win by a very slim margin. A recall campaign to remove him from the governorship has recently been launched by his political enemies. This campaign may be gaining ground in Pampanga, but in the rest of the country, the priest-turned-politician retains the image of a moral crusader bent on cleansing Filipino politics. Because I am a Kapampangan [native of Pampanga], I am often asked to explain what is happening in Pampanga. People want to know if there is any basis to the charge that Among Ed has not been able to do very much as governor. They ask if it is true that his original supporters have either turned against him or left him.
This is how I see the situation in the province. Governance in Pampanga is unfortunately caught in a political stalemate. The party-less governor has been unable to get any support for his programs from the other elected officials of the province. The latter are now more disposed to fight the governor openly because his own forces appear disillusioned and divided. It is certainly not easy to govern when you are coming to government all by your self, as in Among Ed’s case. The situation compels you to reach out to the other officials to seek areas of agreement. The last thing you need under the circumstances is to deploy moral righteousness as a strategy for securing cooperation. Among Ed does not see it this way, and that is the problem.
The Panlilio campaign for the governorship was launched wholly on the basis of a good versus evil contrast. This may be effective as a campaign strategy, but not as a guide to governance. The code of politics does not revolve around the good-evil axis but around the distinction between majority and minority. Thus the key to political success is building a strong constituency around a program of government.
Among Ed rose to the governorship of Pampanga almost entirely on the basis of an urgent yearning for change. It was an extraordinary time, and he had no preparation for politics. He still insists he is a priest in politics. Wrong. He gave up the priesthood to enter politics. With the little time left, he must now map out the road to change, unify his forces, reach out to his opponents, and ask his fellow Kapampangans to join hands in realizing the promise of new politics.
Philippine Daily Inquirer
The rise of moral symbols in politics always provides a dramatic starting point for a society’s transformation. Figures like Mohandas Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandela, Fernando Lugo of Paraguay, Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma and Cory Aquino quickly come to mind. In an instant, they symbolize everything that their people aspire to be as a community. They trigger the recovery of national self-esteem and morale.
Most moral symbols find themselves reluctantly drawn into politics. Thus did Mandela make the overnight passage from prison to the presidency; Fernando Lugo, the transition from the priesthood to the presidency; and for our own Cory Aquino, the crossover from family affairs to state affairs.
Moral symbols are also usually spiritual leaders. They articulate a philosophy of life and a vision for society that goes beyond the politics of any given moment. Their presence in their society is both redemptive and educative. Their moral authority emanates from their bigger-than-life significance, and so when they are made to assume the more mundane roles of politics, the result is often a demystification that erodes the very basis of their authority.
The partnership between Gandhi and Nehru in India worked well because there was an implicit division of labor between these two great leaders. While Nehru, the astute politician, went to work to consolidate and build the nation, Gandhi stayed out of government, preferring the role of unifier. Although he was an organizer and leader of the Indian National Congress, Gandhi shunned government, believing that the only real basis for social order was self-rule, i.e., every person learning to govern himself.
Gandhi exerted a powerful influence on Indian politics. And he did so by exemplifying an exacting moral purity that no one could challenge. Yet, he understood the demands of politics enough to know when to continue arguing and when to accept defeat, when to fight and when to give in. He opposed the British partition of India and Pakistan from the start, but he bowed to the decision of his party to accept partition. He mediated in the rivalry between Nehru and Patel, his two disciples, always concerned to protect the strength and unity of the party. Such is the role of moral symbols. Their power stems from their precise disavowal of power.
Moral capital seems in such short supply in politics nowadays that there is a strong current to recruit moral figures from outside. This is perfectly understandable. But the outcomes can be risky and highly unpredictable.
Mandela remained an inspirational figure until he finished his term. Cory’s image suffered because of her government’s failure to unite the country and address the needs of the poor by pursuing a meaningful land reform program. In Paraguay, all eyes are on Fernando Lugo, the former Catholic bishop who gave up the priesthood in order to challenge the party of the elite that had ruled his country for more than 60 years. He won.
In the province of Pampanga, all eyes too are on Gov. Eddie “Among Ed” Panlilio, the parish priest who accepted suspension from his priestly duties in order to challenge the entrenched leadership of traditional politicians. In a stunning campaign run completely by non-party formations and individuals, he managed to win by a very slim margin. A recall campaign to remove him from the governorship has recently been launched by his political enemies. This campaign may be gaining ground in Pampanga, but in the rest of the country, the priest-turned-politician retains the image of a moral crusader bent on cleansing Filipino politics. Because I am a Kapampangan [native of Pampanga], I am often asked to explain what is happening in Pampanga. People want to know if there is any basis to the charge that Among Ed has not been able to do very much as governor. They ask if it is true that his original supporters have either turned against him or left him.
This is how I see the situation in the province. Governance in Pampanga is unfortunately caught in a political stalemate. The party-less governor has been unable to get any support for his programs from the other elected officials of the province. The latter are now more disposed to fight the governor openly because his own forces appear disillusioned and divided. It is certainly not easy to govern when you are coming to government all by your self, as in Among Ed’s case. The situation compels you to reach out to the other officials to seek areas of agreement. The last thing you need under the circumstances is to deploy moral righteousness as a strategy for securing cooperation. Among Ed does not see it this way, and that is the problem.
The Panlilio campaign for the governorship was launched wholly on the basis of a good versus evil contrast. This may be effective as a campaign strategy, but not as a guide to governance. The code of politics does not revolve around the good-evil axis but around the distinction between majority and minority. Thus the key to political success is building a strong constituency around a program of government.
Among Ed rose to the governorship of Pampanga almost entirely on the basis of an urgent yearning for change. It was an extraordinary time, and he had no preparation for politics. He still insists he is a priest in politics. Wrong. He gave up the priesthood to enter politics. With the little time left, he must now map out the road to change, unify his forces, reach out to his opponents, and ask his fellow Kapampangans to join hands in realizing the promise of new politics.
COA: P444-M DA funds diverted to 16 private groups!
By Jess Diaz Monday, September 22, 2008
At least P444 million in taxpayers’ money released to the Department of Agriculture (DA) in 2007 was diverted to 16 private foundations, many of which could not be located and therefore could not account for the money. The amount is part of more than P600 million in agriculture-related funds given by DA Secretary Arthur Yap to local government units and so-called "people’s organizations” like foundations.
Of the P600 million, some P235 million was released “prior to the May 2007 (congressional-local) elections,” according to the one-inch-thick consolidated annual audit report of the Commission on Audit (COA) on DA funds, a copy of which The STAR has obtained. The COA said a big part of the money that went to private foundations came from the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) of members of the House of Representatives. The lawmakers’ funds were released to Yap’s agency because they were to be used for its projects, principally the GMA (Ginintuang Masaganang Ani) rice production enhancement program.
Auditors named the biggest recipient-organization as Antipolo Philanthropy Foundation, Inc. (APFI) and its chairman as a certain Johnny Tan. It received a total of P146 million in 2007 and an additional P30 million this year.
A COA team did not find the foundation’s office in the Antipolo City address it listed in documents submitted to the DA. Instead, they found a school occupying the place. On Dec. 27, 2007, the DA released to the Antipolo foundation P16 million “even without the benefit of a MOA (memorandum of agreement)… to the disadvantage of the government,” auditors reported.
They said of the P16 million, P4 million “was from the PDAF of the 2nd district of Antipolo City,” while P12 million was from the GMA program. The second district was represented by former Antipolo mayor Angelito Gatlabayan, a neophyte congressman.
The DA-RFU (Regional Field Unit) IV did not monitor the fund transfers to APFI, resulting in the accumulation of unliquidated cash advances in the amount of P146,600,000. Despite non-liquidation of previous fund transfers, the DA-RFU IV released the amount of P30 million (to APFI) in February 2008,” they added.
The other private groups that received funds from Yap’s office were National Organization for Agricultural Enhancement and Productivity, Inc., which got P44 million; Commoners Foundation, Inc., P9.1 million; Las Marias Foundation, Inc., P34 million; Coprahan and Gulayan Foundation, Inc., P31 million; Gabay Masa Development Foundation, P5 million; Samahan ng Manininda ng Prutas at Gulay sa Gabi, Inc., P20 million; and Aaron Foundation, Inc. (no amount indicated).
The COA said these foundations, together with APFI, which were supposed to implement agriculture-related projects worth P289.8 million, “were of questionable legitimacy.” "SEC (Securities and Exchange Commission) confirmation negative,” auditors reported when they checked the registration papers of Commoners Foundation and Las Marias Foundation. They could not locate the other fund recipients.
Other private organizations that received funds from DA were Unlad Quezon Foundation, P10 million; Mula sa Puso Foundation (amount not indicated); Bantayog Kalinga Foundation, P5 million; Kamama Foundation, P30 million; Encima Lhea Care Foundation, P2.1 million, JR and JP Enterprises, P13.6 million; Kapuso at Kapamilya Foundation, P13 million; and Buhay Ko, Mahal Ko Foundation, P10 million.
Auditors questioned the use of the last two foundations, which they said were located in Metro Manila. “Since the beneficiaries are Bohol constituents, there is no acceptable reason for the transfer of funds from RFU VII (Central Visayas) to Nabcor (National Agribusiness Corp., a DA agency) and finally to NGOs located in Metro Manila,” they said.
Unlad Quezon Foundation was supposed to implement “Sagip Hanapbuhay,” a project of Quezon Rep. Danilo Suarez in Tiaong town. However, auditors reported that most of the alleged beneficiaries did not receive funds.
In the case of JR and JP Enterprises, Kamama Foundation, Encima Lhea Care Foundation and Samahan ng mga Manininda ng Prutas sa Gabi, RFU VII gave them P55.7 million to buy vegetable seeds, planting materials, organic fertilizer, and irrigation pumps.
Auditors discovered the purchases were overpriced by P28.2 million. The 2007 irregularities were a repeat of the anomalies COA uncovered in 2004 in the use of P728 million in fertilizer funds the DA released to more than 100 congressmen-allies of President Arroyo and more than 50 pro-administration governors and mayors.
Several of the foundations involved in last year’s alleged fund diversion were used four years ago by many politicians to skim tens of million of pesos from the fertilizer funds that they received.
The COA report showed that last year’s fund misuse is not confined to the program called GMA, which, ironically are President Arroyo’s initials.
Irregularities were found in almost all DA projects, including farm-to-market roads, irrigation canals and pumps, corn production, seed and fertilizer procurement, and post-harvest facilities.
Where’s the money COA, meanwhile, is questioning the National Power Corp. (Napocor) why the P250 million revenues it had collected have not been remitted to the Department of Energy.
COA said the failure of Napocor to remit the funds, which should have earned interest, is a violation of the Electric Power Industry Reform Act (EPIRA).
State auditors said they have been reminding these agencies of their obligations since 2004.
“Up to now the NPC does not render a full accounting of the funds,” the COA stated. The COA reported that the funds worth more than P117 million that had been validated were spent for projects. Auditors explained that at the DOE, the funds that are not yet due for release to the project beneficiaries, are invested in high yield treasury bills to earn interest income.
The COA report also stressed the DOE should have demanded from Napocor a full accounting of its administered funds.
"The DOE shall demand from the NPC the immediate turnover of the fund balances to the DOE upon complete validation pursuant to... the EPIRA Law,” COA said. – With Reinir Padua
At least P444 million in taxpayers’ money released to the Department of Agriculture (DA) in 2007 was diverted to 16 private foundations, many of which could not be located and therefore could not account for the money. The amount is part of more than P600 million in agriculture-related funds given by DA Secretary Arthur Yap to local government units and so-called "people’s organizations” like foundations.
Of the P600 million, some P235 million was released “prior to the May 2007 (congressional-local) elections,” according to the one-inch-thick consolidated annual audit report of the Commission on Audit (COA) on DA funds, a copy of which The STAR has obtained. The COA said a big part of the money that went to private foundations came from the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) of members of the House of Representatives. The lawmakers’ funds were released to Yap’s agency because they were to be used for its projects, principally the GMA (Ginintuang Masaganang Ani) rice production enhancement program.
Auditors named the biggest recipient-organization as Antipolo Philanthropy Foundation, Inc. (APFI) and its chairman as a certain Johnny Tan. It received a total of P146 million in 2007 and an additional P30 million this year.
A COA team did not find the foundation’s office in the Antipolo City address it listed in documents submitted to the DA. Instead, they found a school occupying the place. On Dec. 27, 2007, the DA released to the Antipolo foundation P16 million “even without the benefit of a MOA (memorandum of agreement)… to the disadvantage of the government,” auditors reported.
They said of the P16 million, P4 million “was from the PDAF of the 2nd district of Antipolo City,” while P12 million was from the GMA program. The second district was represented by former Antipolo mayor Angelito Gatlabayan, a neophyte congressman.
The DA-RFU (Regional Field Unit) IV did not monitor the fund transfers to APFI, resulting in the accumulation of unliquidated cash advances in the amount of P146,600,000. Despite non-liquidation of previous fund transfers, the DA-RFU IV released the amount of P30 million (to APFI) in February 2008,” they added.
The other private groups that received funds from Yap’s office were National Organization for Agricultural Enhancement and Productivity, Inc., which got P44 million; Commoners Foundation, Inc., P9.1 million; Las Marias Foundation, Inc., P34 million; Coprahan and Gulayan Foundation, Inc., P31 million; Gabay Masa Development Foundation, P5 million; Samahan ng Manininda ng Prutas at Gulay sa Gabi, Inc., P20 million; and Aaron Foundation, Inc. (no amount indicated).
The COA said these foundations, together with APFI, which were supposed to implement agriculture-related projects worth P289.8 million, “were of questionable legitimacy.” "SEC (Securities and Exchange Commission) confirmation negative,” auditors reported when they checked the registration papers of Commoners Foundation and Las Marias Foundation. They could not locate the other fund recipients.
Other private organizations that received funds from DA were Unlad Quezon Foundation, P10 million; Mula sa Puso Foundation (amount not indicated); Bantayog Kalinga Foundation, P5 million; Kamama Foundation, P30 million; Encima Lhea Care Foundation, P2.1 million, JR and JP Enterprises, P13.6 million; Kapuso at Kapamilya Foundation, P13 million; and Buhay Ko, Mahal Ko Foundation, P10 million.
Auditors questioned the use of the last two foundations, which they said were located in Metro Manila. “Since the beneficiaries are Bohol constituents, there is no acceptable reason for the transfer of funds from RFU VII (Central Visayas) to Nabcor (National Agribusiness Corp., a DA agency) and finally to NGOs located in Metro Manila,” they said.
Unlad Quezon Foundation was supposed to implement “Sagip Hanapbuhay,” a project of Quezon Rep. Danilo Suarez in Tiaong town. However, auditors reported that most of the alleged beneficiaries did not receive funds.
In the case of JR and JP Enterprises, Kamama Foundation, Encima Lhea Care Foundation and Samahan ng mga Manininda ng Prutas sa Gabi, RFU VII gave them P55.7 million to buy vegetable seeds, planting materials, organic fertilizer, and irrigation pumps.
Auditors discovered the purchases were overpriced by P28.2 million. The 2007 irregularities were a repeat of the anomalies COA uncovered in 2004 in the use of P728 million in fertilizer funds the DA released to more than 100 congressmen-allies of President Arroyo and more than 50 pro-administration governors and mayors.
Several of the foundations involved in last year’s alleged fund diversion were used four years ago by many politicians to skim tens of million of pesos from the fertilizer funds that they received.
The COA report showed that last year’s fund misuse is not confined to the program called GMA, which, ironically are President Arroyo’s initials.
Irregularities were found in almost all DA projects, including farm-to-market roads, irrigation canals and pumps, corn production, seed and fertilizer procurement, and post-harvest facilities.
Where’s the money COA, meanwhile, is questioning the National Power Corp. (Napocor) why the P250 million revenues it had collected have not been remitted to the Department of Energy.
COA said the failure of Napocor to remit the funds, which should have earned interest, is a violation of the Electric Power Industry Reform Act (EPIRA).
State auditors said they have been reminding these agencies of their obligations since 2004.
“Up to now the NPC does not render a full accounting of the funds,” the COA stated. The COA reported that the funds worth more than P117 million that had been validated were spent for projects. Auditors explained that at the DOE, the funds that are not yet due for release to the project beneficiaries, are invested in high yield treasury bills to earn interest income.
The COA report also stressed the DOE should have demanded from Napocor a full accounting of its administered funds.
"The DOE shall demand from the NPC the immediate turnover of the fund balances to the DOE upon complete validation pursuant to... the EPIRA Law,” COA said. – With Reinir Padua
Corruption and our National Library
It’s been more than 40 years now that past Philippine presidents, senators, congressmen, governors, mayors, have been in Malacanan and other government offices, yet Filipinos are still poor, not respected (specially overseas – just check how immigration officers in Hong Kong and China are treating ordinary Filipinas either working or just getting a tour on the small territory. You can hear sarcastic remarks or just simply raising their (immigration officers) eyebrows from these officers as if me nakakahawang sakit na nakadikit sa kanilang mga pasaporte dahil me marking “Pilipinas” ang mga ito. Pati pasaporte natin, hindi na rin nirerespeto ng mga dayuhan. Kawawa talaga ang ating mga kababayan na lumalabas sa ating bansa. Hindi lang sa Hong Kong o China ito nangyayari. Pati na rin sa iba pang bansa na basang-basa na ang imahen ng Pilipino dahil sa corruption, mga krimen, at instability ng ating bayan. Dito sa Hong Kong, yung lola, anak ng lola, at ang kanyang apo ay tatlong henerasyon na ng mga katulong! Para bang wala na talagang pag-asang makaahon sa hirap an gating mga kababayan. Para bang ito na ang talagang future ng mga Pilipino, mga trabahador ng ibang bayan!
Last month, I got a chance to go around Metro Manila to donate my new book, Mga Bagong Bayani sa iba’t-ibang schools, colleges, universities, public libraries including the National Library in Manila. To my disbelief, I discovered the sorry state of our national library, the economic frustrations of its staff as well as the dilapidated facilities from its cranking 40-year old elevator (only one in the whole building at me oras lang ang pag-operate) to old books and shelves na naiwanan na ng panahon. Some rooms are too dark to visit kasi walang ilaw o kung meron man madilim pa rin. Nakita ko rin ang lungkot na nababahid sa mukha n gating mga librarians dahil professionally, they have been serving the government for more than 20 or 30 years, and yet sobrang pobre pa rin ang kanilang buhay. “Magkano lang naman kasi ang kinikita naming buwan-buwan as public librarians,” sabi ng isa sa mga nakausap ko. Samantalang sa baba ng building, dumaan si mayor na naka-Pajero.
Sa lobby ng building, me nakausap din akong isang prvate school teacher na galling pa sa probinsiya at dumaan lang sa national library. “Hay naku,” sabi pa niya. “Mas maganda pa ang aming library sa probinsiya kaysa rito!” Mukhang totoo ang sinabi ng teacher na ito dahil ng bumisita rin ako sa amng probinsiya sa Bicol para mamigay ng free copies ng aking libro sa mga schools doon, I found out na walang hamak pwedeng ikumpara ang library ng dati kong school sa Bicol kaysa sa ating national library. Samantalang an marami sa ating mga senador, congressmen, governors, mayors at iba pang opisyal ng gobyerno ay naka expedition at iba pang luxury cars na kung minsan ay dalawa-dalawa pa o tatlo! Magkano lang naman ang suweldo ng presidente o mga matataas na opisyal ng ating bansa? P50,000 lang a month on the average! Kung government cars nga ang mga ito, bakit walang nakalagay na “For Official Use Only” sa side body nito?
From there, I finally realized the extent of corruption that has been going on in our country. For more than 40 years, our country has been plagued by this cancer and made a personal commitment and determination to not only minimize but eradicate corruption and give back to the Filipinos the dignity and sanctity of their career, their worth, and their self-respect by combatting this cancer from the top down.
Last month, I got a chance to go around Metro Manila to donate my new book, Mga Bagong Bayani sa iba’t-ibang schools, colleges, universities, public libraries including the National Library in Manila. To my disbelief, I discovered the sorry state of our national library, the economic frustrations of its staff as well as the dilapidated facilities from its cranking 40-year old elevator (only one in the whole building at me oras lang ang pag-operate) to old books and shelves na naiwanan na ng panahon. Some rooms are too dark to visit kasi walang ilaw o kung meron man madilim pa rin. Nakita ko rin ang lungkot na nababahid sa mukha n gating mga librarians dahil professionally, they have been serving the government for more than 20 or 30 years, and yet sobrang pobre pa rin ang kanilang buhay. “Magkano lang naman kasi ang kinikita naming buwan-buwan as public librarians,” sabi ng isa sa mga nakausap ko. Samantalang sa baba ng building, dumaan si mayor na naka-Pajero.
Sa lobby ng building, me nakausap din akong isang prvate school teacher na galling pa sa probinsiya at dumaan lang sa national library. “Hay naku,” sabi pa niya. “Mas maganda pa ang aming library sa probinsiya kaysa rito!” Mukhang totoo ang sinabi ng teacher na ito dahil ng bumisita rin ako sa amng probinsiya sa Bicol para mamigay ng free copies ng aking libro sa mga schools doon, I found out na walang hamak pwedeng ikumpara ang library ng dati kong school sa Bicol kaysa sa ating national library. Samantalang an marami sa ating mga senador, congressmen, governors, mayors at iba pang opisyal ng gobyerno ay naka expedition at iba pang luxury cars na kung minsan ay dalawa-dalawa pa o tatlo! Magkano lang naman ang suweldo ng presidente o mga matataas na opisyal ng ating bansa? P50,000 lang a month on the average! Kung government cars nga ang mga ito, bakit walang nakalagay na “For Official Use Only” sa side body nito?
From there, I finally realized the extent of corruption that has been going on in our country. For more than 40 years, our country has been plagued by this cancer and made a personal commitment and determination to not only minimize but eradicate corruption and give back to the Filipinos the dignity and sanctity of their career, their worth, and their self-respect by combatting this cancer from the top down.
Santiago bares P11.5-B 'secret pork barrel' in 2008 budget
By Maila AgerINQUIRER.net
MANILA, Philippines -- Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago has uncovered a “secret pork barrel” in the 2008 budget amounting to P11.5 billion from one department alone, which she alleged could be used by legislators in the 2010 elections.
Santiago said the amount, “secretly inserted” in this year’s budget of the Department of Public Works and Highways, was “unusually large” as it represented 12 percent of the estimated P95 billion budget of the Department of Public Works and Highways.
“That amount is unusually large. Normally, insertions are smaller in percentage than 12 percent. That’s my first point. Why so big?” she told reporters before the session on Tuesday.
“Second, these projects have very low economic return that is to say, they don’t really benefit everybody in the community or significantly contribute to the war against poverty or against hunger,” she said.
The most glaring low-priority, Santiago said, was the construction of so-called multipurpose buildings amounting to a total of P131.1 million.
The senator also noted that certain projects initiated by congressmen and senators like public markets should have been done better by local governments or government-owned corporations.
“There is even a lump-sum appropriation of P165 million for other buildings. These are projects that have not even been identified yet. Since it is a lump sum, it is most likely subject to abuse,’ she said in a separate statement.
Santiago suspects that this secret pork barrel will only be used by legislators for the 2010 polls.
“The life of an appropriation is two years. In 2009, President [Gloria Macapagal] Arroyo may release these P11.5 billion insertions. By 2010, each project may continue to be implemented,” she said.
“Hence, I strongly suspect that most of these secret projects are going to be used by incumbent legislators for the 2010 elections,” she pointed out.
MANILA, Philippines -- Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago has uncovered a “secret pork barrel” in the 2008 budget amounting to P11.5 billion from one department alone, which she alleged could be used by legislators in the 2010 elections.
Santiago said the amount, “secretly inserted” in this year’s budget of the Department of Public Works and Highways, was “unusually large” as it represented 12 percent of the estimated P95 billion budget of the Department of Public Works and Highways.
“That amount is unusually large. Normally, insertions are smaller in percentage than 12 percent. That’s my first point. Why so big?” she told reporters before the session on Tuesday.
“Second, these projects have very low economic return that is to say, they don’t really benefit everybody in the community or significantly contribute to the war against poverty or against hunger,” she said.
The most glaring low-priority, Santiago said, was the construction of so-called multipurpose buildings amounting to a total of P131.1 million.
The senator also noted that certain projects initiated by congressmen and senators like public markets should have been done better by local governments or government-owned corporations.
“There is even a lump-sum appropriation of P165 million for other buildings. These are projects that have not even been identified yet. Since it is a lump sum, it is most likely subject to abuse,’ she said in a separate statement.
Santiago suspects that this secret pork barrel will only be used by legislators for the 2010 polls.
“The life of an appropriation is two years. In 2009, President [Gloria Macapagal] Arroyo may release these P11.5 billion insertions. By 2010, each project may continue to be implemented,” she said.
“Hence, I strongly suspect that most of these secret projects are going to be used by incumbent legislators for the 2010 elections,” she pointed out.
Philippine among most corrupt countries - watchdog
Stamping out graft can save lives
By Thea Alberto, INQUIRER.net, Agence France-Presse
MANILA, Philippines -- The Philippines has been listed as being among the most corrupt countries in the world, according to the anti-corruption watchdog Transparency International (TI).
In its latest Corruption Perceptions Index, with zero being the most corrupt and 10 as being the cleanest, the Philippines had a score of 2.3, and was ranked 141st out of 180 countries surveyed. The poll was based on perceptions of business people and country analysts, the watchdog said. Somalia, the east African nation without a functioning government since 1991, is considered the most corrupt country with an index score of 1.0, followed by Myanmar (1.3); Iraq (1.3); Haiti (1.4); and Afghanistan (1.5).
Meanwhile, Denmark, Sweden, and New Zealand had a score of 9.3, followed by Singapore with 9.2. The score is based on perceptions of the degree of corruption as seen by business people and country analysts. TI said stopping practices such as cronyism and embezzlement can save lives in poor countries. "In the poorest countries, corruption levels can mean the difference between life and death, when money for hospitals or clean water is in play," TI said.
"The continuing high levels of corruption and poverty plaguing many of the world's societies amount to an ongoing humanitarian disaster and cannot be tolerated," the non-governmental organization's head Huguette Labelle said.
Rampant corruption in low-income countries also jeopardizes the global fight against poverty and threatens to derail the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the report published in Berlin said. This "calls for a more focused and coordinated approach by the global donor community to ensure development assistance is designed to strengthen institutions of governance and oversight in recipient countries, and that aid flows themselves are fortified against abuse and graft," TI said.
It estimates that unchecked levels of corruption would add $50 billion -- or nearly half of annual global aid outlays -- to the cost of achieving the MDGs on water and sanitation. The African Union has estimated that corruption costs the continent $148 billion annually, equal to the gross domestic product of Kenya, Tanzania and Cameroon combined, TI said. TI was also critical of some wealthy nations that registered significant drops in the global rankings, such as Britain, whose score fell to 7.7 points from 8.4 in 2007, and Norway, which dropped to 7.9 points from 8.7. Britain fell to 16th in the rankings from 12th in 2007, and Norway slipped to 14th from ninth.
The continuing emergence of foreign bribery scandals indicates a broader failure by the world's wealthiest countries to live up to the promise of mutual accountability in the fight against corruption, TI said. "This sort of double standard is unacceptable and disregards international legal standards," said Labelle.
"Beyond its corrosive effects on the rule of law and public confidence, this lack of resolution undermines the credibility of the wealthiest nations in calling for greater action to fight corruption by low-income countries."
Substantial improvements in the rankings were recorded for Albania, Cyprus, Georgia, Mauritius, Nigeria, Oman, Qatar, South Korea, Tonga and Turkey. The United States saw its score inch up to 7.3 points from 7.2 points in 2007, putting it at joint 18th place with Japan, whose score fell from 7.5 a year ago. China was on 3.6 points at 72nd, up from 3.5 points and just ahead of India, whose score dropped to 3.4 from 3.5 to put it in 85th position. Russia, in 147th place, also saw its score fall, from 2.3 points to 2.1 points. Germany's rose to 7.9 to 7.8, putting it in 14th position, while France's dropped to 6.9 from 7.3, making it 23rd.
By Thea Alberto, INQUIRER.net, Agence France-Presse
MANILA, Philippines -- The Philippines has been listed as being among the most corrupt countries in the world, according to the anti-corruption watchdog Transparency International (TI).
In its latest Corruption Perceptions Index, with zero being the most corrupt and 10 as being the cleanest, the Philippines had a score of 2.3, and was ranked 141st out of 180 countries surveyed. The poll was based on perceptions of business people and country analysts, the watchdog said. Somalia, the east African nation without a functioning government since 1991, is considered the most corrupt country with an index score of 1.0, followed by Myanmar (1.3); Iraq (1.3); Haiti (1.4); and Afghanistan (1.5).
Meanwhile, Denmark, Sweden, and New Zealand had a score of 9.3, followed by Singapore with 9.2. The score is based on perceptions of the degree of corruption as seen by business people and country analysts. TI said stopping practices such as cronyism and embezzlement can save lives in poor countries. "In the poorest countries, corruption levels can mean the difference between life and death, when money for hospitals or clean water is in play," TI said.
"The continuing high levels of corruption and poverty plaguing many of the world's societies amount to an ongoing humanitarian disaster and cannot be tolerated," the non-governmental organization's head Huguette Labelle said.
Rampant corruption in low-income countries also jeopardizes the global fight against poverty and threatens to derail the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the report published in Berlin said. This "calls for a more focused and coordinated approach by the global donor community to ensure development assistance is designed to strengthen institutions of governance and oversight in recipient countries, and that aid flows themselves are fortified against abuse and graft," TI said.
It estimates that unchecked levels of corruption would add $50 billion -- or nearly half of annual global aid outlays -- to the cost of achieving the MDGs on water and sanitation. The African Union has estimated that corruption costs the continent $148 billion annually, equal to the gross domestic product of Kenya, Tanzania and Cameroon combined, TI said. TI was also critical of some wealthy nations that registered significant drops in the global rankings, such as Britain, whose score fell to 7.7 points from 8.4 in 2007, and Norway, which dropped to 7.9 points from 8.7. Britain fell to 16th in the rankings from 12th in 2007, and Norway slipped to 14th from ninth.
The continuing emergence of foreign bribery scandals indicates a broader failure by the world's wealthiest countries to live up to the promise of mutual accountability in the fight against corruption, TI said. "This sort of double standard is unacceptable and disregards international legal standards," said Labelle.
"Beyond its corrosive effects on the rule of law and public confidence, this lack of resolution undermines the credibility of the wealthiest nations in calling for greater action to fight corruption by low-income countries."
Substantial improvements in the rankings were recorded for Albania, Cyprus, Georgia, Mauritius, Nigeria, Oman, Qatar, South Korea, Tonga and Turkey. The United States saw its score inch up to 7.3 points from 7.2 points in 2007, putting it at joint 18th place with Japan, whose score fell from 7.5 a year ago. China was on 3.6 points at 72nd, up from 3.5 points and just ahead of India, whose score dropped to 3.4 from 3.5 to put it in 85th position. Russia, in 147th place, also saw its score fall, from 2.3 points to 2.1 points. Germany's rose to 7.9 to 7.8, putting it in 14th position, while France's dropped to 6.9 from 7.3, making it 23rd.
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